10, September 2022
After Queen Elizabeth, Paul Biya now world’s oldest head of state 0
President Paul Biya is now the world’s oldest head of state following the demise of Britain’s Queen Elizabeth II on Thursday. The Queen died peacefully at Balmoral in Scotland on Thursday aged 96, Buckingham Palace announced.
“The death of Her Majesty Elizabeth II is felt painfully and affects the Commonwealth of Nations. She had a unique stature and played an emblematic role throughout history,” tweeted Biya, who now becomes the world’s oldest sitting head of state.
The 89-year-old autocrat has been at the helm of central Africa’s largest economy for 40 years and counting. If his prior seven years as prime minister are added to his four-decade reign, Biya would be the world’s longest-ruling non-royal leader.
Economic downturn
Biya is followed in age by Michel Naim Aoun, the 88-year-old former military general who has served as president of Lebanon since October 2016.
Under Biya, Cameroon survived an economic downturn in the mid-1980s to the early 2000s and moved from a one-party to a multiparty state.
The Lion Man, as the octogenarian leader is fondly referred to by members of his ruling Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement (CPDM) party and his admirers, reluctantly accepted multiparty politics in the 90s, though he has remained a serial election winner, with opposition parties describing all the votes as routinely rigged in his favour.
Cameroon has had only two heads of state since its independence from France in 1960 and Biya is the only president most of the nearly 28 million Cameroonians (World Population Review) have ever known. He inherited a country of less than 10 million people when he was sworn in for the first time in 1982, succeeding the country’s first president, Ahmadou Ahidjo. Cameroon has a largely youth population, with more than 60 per cent of the populace under the age of 25.
Biya raised hope when he ascended to the helm but his tenure has been mired in controversies, with the leader coming under heavy criticism for authoritarian rule and endemic corruption in a country where an average citizen lives on less than $2 a day.
Cameroon had been rated as ‘the most corrupt country in the world’ by Transparency International, which ranked the country as the top most corrupt nation in the world successively in 1998 and 1999.
Biya has also become notorious as an absentee president ruling from abroad, lavishly spending taxpayers’ money in luxurious hotels in Switzerland, which is described as the second home of the permanently holidaying leader. He regularly swings off to the Alpine country for some rest at the Intercontinental Hotel in Geneva.
A 2018 investigation by the Organised Crime and Corruption Reporting Project (OCCRP) estimated that Biya spent nearly 60 days on private visits out of the country the previous year and that he spent a third of the year abroad in 2006 and 2009.
The report, described by Biya’s supporters as “propaganda”, said the leader had spent $182 million on his private travel since becoming president. It said Biya spent $40,000 a day for hotel accommodation for himself and his entourage.
Dominated parliament
Biya would have been ineligible to run and eventually be elected for a sixth term in 2011 if the ruling party-dominated parliament had not voted three years earlier to amend the constitution, removing presidential term limits. The tinkering of the constitution gave Biya the leverage to stay in power indefinitely.
Cameroon had largely been relatively peaceful under Biya until an insurgency by Nigerian-based Boko Haram spilled over into the country since 2013. Three years later, what could be his biggest challenge – an industrial strike by lawyers and teachers in the English-speaking part of the country – started. It morphed into a separatist conflict crackdown on protesters.
Separatist groups sprouted and increased demands for independence of the two regions, giving birth to armed groups that have been battling government troops since. The violence has caused about 6,000 deaths and a major humanitarian crisis, with almost 600,000 people internally displaced in the Anglophone and neighbouring regions, and over 77,000 forced to become refugees in Nigeria, according to humanitarian organisations.
Biya, who rarely speaks to the media, left it up in the air whether he will seek reelection or retire at the end of his current mandate when he told a French journalist in July that he still has three years left for his current seven-year term to expire.
“Wait until the end of the mandate to know whether I will stay or go back to the village,” Biya said at a joint press conference with visiting French President Emmanuel Macron in Yaoundé.
Culled from The Citizen
14, September 2022
General Bouba Dobékréo has no good military options to use in Southern Cameroons 0
According to supporters of the ill-considered war on Southern Cameroons, General Dobékréo is a battle-hardened soldier recently dispatched to crush the Ambazonia uprising.
Frankly speaking, General Bouba Dobékréo was on the frontline of almost every conflict Cameroon has faced in recent decades, and has battled highway bandits, pirates, and radical Islamists. Now he has been dispatched to lead the fight against Ambazonia Restoration Forces, and some reports have suggested that he plans to take a much less repressive approach than his predecessors.
In recent weeks, Southern Cameroons fighters have carried out a series of deadly ambushes against the Cameroon government military which have been on a bigger scale than anything yet seen since the start of the conflict five years ago. President Biya and his so-called army high command want to change strategy but they are yet to say how they intend to proceed.
Whether reports on General Bouba Dobékréo’s soft approach to the war are true or not, we of the Cameroon Intelligence Report and the Cameroon Concord News are of the opinion that no one can win this war in Southern Cameroons on the basis of bluff and bluster, or by ignoring the sheer facts on the ground. This, however, is how the 89-year-old President Biya and his Francophone dominated supreme military council are currently approaching the five year running war in West Cameroon. To be sure, the Beti Ewondo political elites arguing for continuing the war have chosen to ignore the grim realities that are actually shaping the course of the fighting and what will happen in Yaoundé if Biya suddenly dies.
There is only one source of official reporting on the military course of the war in Southern Cameroons-it is the Cameroon government military spokesman Serge Cyrille Atongfack. Yaoundé does not allow any other official reporting by traditional rulers, DOs, SDOs including the Governors of the two English speaking regions of Southern Cameroons. This corrupt structure of informing the Cameroonian public opinion is an indication that Cameroon government army soldiers are dying like flies and that the war is at best a stalemate.
The International Crisis Group and other respectable media houses were forced by the regime in Yaoundé to stop reporting on the war and funeral rituals for fallen soldiers were also stopped abruptly, evidently because such reports and burial rites showed steady Ambazonian gains.
We of the Concord Group have raised critical issues about progress in either to secure a peace or to successfully keep fighting. We have also informed Yaoundé that the critical issue on the ground is not the total number of Francophone Special Forces, but the ability to implement appeasement policies as quick as possible. This is what General Bouba Dobékréo means when he speaks of a much less repressive approach than his predecessors and it is also a clear indication that he has no good military options to use in Southern Cameroons.
Discussion of peace talks no longer exist in the political discourse in Yaoundé. Staying in the war and providing heavy media coverage on Samuel Eto’o and FECAFOOT is now the Biya regime’s new strategy. And the government is spending hundreds of millions on a daily basis on the military, not counting support activity outside it. In short, there are no good military options in Southern Cameroons. Appointing General Bouba and signing a presidential decree deploying Special Forces after five years into a conflict simply creates a potential power vacuum in Yaoundé that the army can exploit if Biya suddenly bows out. Since there is no practical way to disarm an irregular Ambazonia Self Defense Group that does not maintain heavy weapons, it means that only dialogue can resolve the crisis in Southern Cameroons. Trusting the army to become a major player in Southern Cameroons and staying the course militarily means there is no clear path to lasting peace.
International indicators show that Biya regime is still one of the worst and most corrupt governments on the globe. Yaoundé is running the worst justice system in Africa and poverty is a huge problem.
Population issue is becoming intense in Cameroon as many people are leaving the country. Added to this difficult situation is a massive national and youth employment crisis that is further compounded by rising urbanization in cities such as Douala and Yaoundé without enough new jobs.
No one has projected what would happen in case President Biya suddenly leaves the political stage! Ultimately, all of the options in Yaoundé are bad. The choice, however, should be made between the best Southern Cameroons peace plan and the best plan for separation of the two Cameroons. This critical choice should be based on the grim realities on the ground, and offer the best steps forward it can. It should not be made on the basis of a hollow political gesture or on the basis of heated Biya Francophone Beti Ewondo rhetoric.
By Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai