Ever since news broke out that a meeting had taken place between the Yaoundé government and Ambazonian leaders, some members of the Southern Cameroonian community have been questioning why people who are in chains should be the ones to negotiate for those who are free. This situation is not without a precedent. Mandela did it for South Africa and this rainbow nation is eternally grateful to a man who placed his country’s interest above his personal interest. 

This question is indeed out of place given that for more than three years, many Southern Cameroonians, especially those in the Diaspora, have been arguing that if the Yaoundé government had to negotiate, it must do so with their leaders who are in jail in Yaoundé.

The Yaoundé government has been falsely arguing that there is nobody to talk with as there are many factions fighting a regime that has functioned for decades on divide and rule. Due to enormous international pressure, the government now believes that the time has come for talks with the people it tagged as terrorists, and it is honoring the wishes of most of the Southern Cameroonian population which has put its trust in the Nera 10 led by the President, Julius Ayuk Tabe.

Nine of the Nera 10 participated in the informal talks which President Julius Ayuk Tabe promptly reported through a tweet to clearly demonstrate the transparency and honesty of his team. The team was invited and it honored the invitation, especially as the international community was involved. Through their leader, the Ambazonian leaders raised four points and this was to ensure that Southern Cameroonians got ready for the talks and that other factions got involved.

The demands of the leaders include calling for a ceasefire which will require the military to go back to the barracks. This action will make it possible for Southern Cameroonians who have been traumatized for years to be psychologically liberated to go about their businesses without fear of sudden aggression.

The leaders also called for the unconditional release of all those who have been detained and imprisoned as a result of the crisis as well as a declaration of general amnesty for all Southern Cameroonians in the Diaspora, making it possible for them to visit their homeland without any embarrassment from the Yaoundé authorities.

The leaders also called on the Yaoundé government to participate in a genuine, open and inclusive dialogue without preconditions, with a timetable and venue, in the presence of an independent and impartial mediator acceptable to both parties.

It should be recalled that the meeting was a response to a call by the United Nations Secretary General for a ceasefire and these measures are designed to build confidence with a view to creating an environment for a successful and sustainable peaceful negotiation.

Despite the transparency, this news has rattled and ruffled a few feathers and there has been a lot of writing and talking over the last two days, with many Southern Cameroonians insisting that the fighting must continue even when the fighters are demonstrating some signs of fatigue and the resources are dwindling, as many Southern Cameroonians are not putting their money where their mouths are.

Some Southern Cameroonians, especially those living abroad, think that the Yaoundé government could be defeated in the battlefield. Many are not aware of the reality on the ground. The local population is suffering, and the military is exploiting the people. The Southern Cameroonian leadership is aware of the people’s pain and it thinks talks and negotiations could also deliver the same results. The fact remains that no war has ever been ended in a battlefield. Supporters of Southern Cameroonian independence must understand that most wars end with talks and negotiations.

The Treaty of Versailles was the most important of the peace treaties that brought World War I to an end. The Treaty ended the state of war between Germany and the Allied Powers. It was signed on 28 June 1919 in Versailles, exactly five years after the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand, which had directly led to the war. For the Second World War, it ended with two major conferences. The Yalta and Potsdam Conferences which served as a framework for the definition of the relationship between Europe and Germany once Hitler was out of the picture.

It therefore goes without saying that the Southern Cameroons crisis cannot be ended without talks, and the talks will not require everybody but those who have clearly demonstrated that they have the charisma and the people’s confidence. In this case, President Julius Ayuk Tabe and his team will be articulating the Southern Cameroonian dream and they will be paving the way for others to join the talks whenever a neutral place will be agreed upon.

At this time, not everybody who is involved in the crisis can travel to Cameroon and President Ayuk  Tabe and his team are fully aware of this constraint and that is why they are calling for the negotiations to take place in a neutral place to ensure that more Southern Cameroonians participate and share their views without fear. Like Mandela, Julius Ayuk Tabe is paving the way for talks and negotiations that will surely define the fate of Southern Cameroons. This is the time to demonstrate unity. No Southern Cameroonian should be driven by greed and envy. Southern Cameroons needs that unity of purpose and those who seek to split the people of Southern Cameroons will end up on the wrong side of history. The world is watching!

By Dr. Joachim Arrey

For more than three years, the world has been watching an orgy of killing playing out in Cameroon due to misrule, poor governance and arrogance. The Southern Cameroons crisis that started in 2016 rapidly morphed into a war game, with the country’s military slaughtering thousands of its civilians as if Cameroonians were mere cattle that could be disposed of at any time.

As the government’s killing machines rolled into the two English-speaking regions of the country, young Southern Cameroonians scrambled for means to defend themselves. Initially, they used sticks and clubs, but over time, hunting rifles emerged and with those rifles, they frustrated Cameroon’s military.

Today, with the support of the 4-million strong Southern Cameroonian Diaspora, the fighters have purchased some of the most sophisticated weapons which have regrettably resulted in the death of many young soldiers who, in reality, do not even know why they have to fight their English-speaking compatriots who are simply and politely complaining about a system that has not met their dreams and aspirations.

Cameroon, a country once touted as an oasis of peace in a desert of chaos, has finally gone down as a country bereft of peace and stability. Over the last years, the country’s government has morphed from a liberal and budding democracy into a full-blown dictatorship, with journalists and human rights activists arrested and thrown into jail without respect for due process.

Many English-speaking journalists have lost their lives due to torture in Cameroon’s dungeons and millions of the Southern Cameroonian Diaspora members cannot go to the country of their birth because of the government’s unpopular decision to arrest and jail anybody whose name might be associated with the Southern Cameroons crisis.

In most countries around the world, the Diaspora is justifiably considered as a significant source of development finance, but in Cameroon, the government has deliberately failed to harness these resources for the general good because it wants to prove a point. But the government has only one thing to prove – that it is capable of living up to the glorious expectations of its people.

Unfortunately, it has failed and woefully too in many respects. Poverty is blighting the lives of the country’s citizenry and it is spreading like ragweed. Corruption is all over the place like a very bad rash and the country’s social and road infrastructure has collapsed like a pack of old retired cards.

Southern Cameroonians living abroad have the resources and they are capable of engineering a nightmare for the Yaounde government if it does not change its stance on many issues. Times have changed and the government must keep pace with the changing times. The tough resistance put up by the poorly organized fighters in Southern Cameroons over the last four years should inform the Yaounde government that there will never be a total military victory in that part of the country.

The fighters are determined, and the Diaspora remains focused and knows how to give the Yaounde government a run for its money. The bloodshed that was once localized to Southern Cameroons is gradually making its way to the nation’s capital. Over the last week, some three bombs have gone off in Yaounde, hurting innocent by-standers. It will not be long before massive bombs will start going off in the city’s downtown core if the arrogance that has become the hallmark of the Yaounde government is not curbed and if peace is not given a chance.

For four long years, the Yaounde government has turned a deaf ear to calls by the international community for a peaceful solution to the conflict. For four years, more than 5,000 Cameroonians have been mowed down by a government that is supposed to protect them. For four years, many young soldiers have been pushed into an early grave because of the arrogance of a government that holds that only military violence can bring peace to a country that has been running on injustice, corruption and incompetence.

The country’s president, Paul Biya, for his part, has been conducting himself as if  his compatriots do not deserve him. He has failed on many occasions to address the nation on a major challenge like the Southern Cameroons crisis that has robbed the country of billions of dollars.

Cameroonians seem to plead with their president for him to reassure them during challenging times, but Mr. Biya who has earned a reputation as an absentee president has ignored calls from world leaders for the Southern Cameroons situation to be addressed promptly and rapidly in order to reduce the bloodshed.

His leadership has left the country in a very bad political, social and economic shape. Tribalism and nepotism have become the hallmarks of his politics, with his tribesmen and women considering other Cameroonians as sub-humans.

After four years, wisdom seems to be prevailing. On July 2, 2020, the beleaguered Yaounde government finally thought it wise to discuss with the people it had tagged as terrorists. For years, the arrogance-driven government gave the impression that there was nobody to discuss with. It instead opted for tricks and corrupt practices as a way of ending the insurgency that has made the two English-speaking regions of the country ungovernable.

The ball is now rolling, and the international community is now seeing the light at the end of the tunnel, though the light might be that of an oncoming train that might wreck lots of things. The Yaounde government is noted for is double-speak and tricks. It might be too early to smile, although the news that both camps are working on the details of a possible ceasefire has been a reason for many to rejoice. 

But the discussions also touched on other topics which both camps have chosen to leave under wraps. Facilitated by the Belgian, American and French ambassadors, the discussions were friendly, although the Ambazonian President, Julius Ayuk Tabe, did not miss the moment to remind the Secretary-General at the Presidency, Ferdinand Ngoh Ngoh, of the regime’s wickedness and failure to live up to the people’s expectation; the reason why Southern Cameroonians are opting out of the lopsided union that was hastily stitched together in 1972 with the blessing of John Ngu Foncha who was West Cameroon’s Prime Minister at the time.

Federalism was also on the table and all the ambassadors were in support of it. They hold that a federal system will go a long way in addressing most of the issues that have caused the conflict that has put the country in the spotlight for all the wrong reasons. But tempers are still flaring on the Ambazonian side. Federalism may not be very attractive at this time, but world-class negotiators will always advise that when involved in such an exercise, sacrifices must be made. Negotiating is like meeting the other person halfway and in this case, federalism will be that “golden halfway” that might restore peace in Southern Cameroons, the region of the country that is endowed with many natural resources.

Though the discussions are underway, there are still some concerns. Some extremists who have fallen out of favor with the people are already crying foul. Only a fool never sees negotiations as a way out of a bloody situation. An intelligent person like Mr. Ayuk Tabe, the poster boy of the revolution, understands why it is necessary to talk and even negotiate. A lot of blood has soaked the soil of Southern Cameroons. It is time to mop up the soil and make the soil fertile again.

The Cameroon Concord News Group stands with President Julius Ayuk Tabe and his colleagues in their effort to find a long-lasting solution to the Southern Cameroons crisis that has already consumed more than 5,000 Cameroonian lives. The Group calls on all well-meaning people to exercise patience as the international community helps both camps to narrow their differences. Anybody who condemns the talks that President Julius Ayuk Tabe is involved in is someone who has been ripping off the people of Southern Cameroons and such a person or persons must be ignored and disrespected.

Cameroonians like the international community are focused on bringing about peace in Cameroon and Mr. Ayuk Tabe is working with his team to obtain the best for Southern Cameroons. The talks are on, but we must keep an eye on the enemies of peace who have transformed the fighting into a money-making operation. Cameroonians must support the peace initiative and the Yaounde government must not speak from both sides of its mouth. It must respect its commitments under any agreement if it wants the guns to be silenced.

A good gesture will be releasing all political prisoners, granting a general amnesty to all those who have been involved in the conflict and reconciling with the Diaspora that is capable of turning the country’s economic fortunes around. The world is watching and there is no room for errors. This is the time for talks and not for any form of sabotage!

By Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai and Isong Asu

INTERIM GOVERNMENT OF AMBAZONIA STATEMENT ON LEADERS MEETING WITH REGIME IN YAOUNDE  

Fellow Ambazonians,

Yesterday, 2^ndJuly 2020, nine of our leaders in detention were invited to meet with a team from the government of La Republique du Cameroun (LRC), on initiating a ceasefire following the United Nation’s request to bring an end to the war in Ambazonia. The genocide in Ambazonia has earned the attention of the United Nations and the international community due to the atrocities committed by the army of La Republique du Cameroun.

As no war has ever been wrapped up in the battlefield, our leaders in attendance were led by President Julius Ayuk Tabe. Real, sustainable peace and independence are a product of the negotiating table. The realization has dawned upon the regime in Yaoundé that the war on our people is counterproductive and a French Cameroun victory is candidly impossible.

The Interim Government of Ambazonia has informed other front line movements of our struggle about this formal meeting. Despite this meeting being an initial confidence building procedure which is mandatory in all negotiations, our position on a negotiated ceasefire was made clear and unambiguous to the representatives of La Republique du Cameroun. Once significant progress is made, the Interim Government of Ambazonia will update Ambazonians.

IG-CARE VP STATEMENT…

The Interim Government of Ambazonia is extremely indebted with the commitment and sacrifice of our ground zero heroes. For over four years, our mothers, fathers and children have been massacred indiscriminately but the resistance from our heroes with limited capital continues to give us hope as a nation. Let me use this opportunity to thank our people in Ambazonia for the sacrifice and commitment they have displayed over the last two weeks in their observation of Lockdowns.

Fellow Ambazonians, the path to freedom and independence is always difficult but despite the current darkness, I see hope and a bright future. Our cardinal objectives are freedom and independence. Be reassured that we remain committed to the restoration of the independence of our homeland.

Thank You

Dabney Yerima

Vice President

Federal Republic of Ambazonia

The West Cameroon Association, (WCA) would like to express our sincere condolences to the family of Mola Njoh Litumbe, who passed away in Cameroon on the 29th of May 2020 at the age of 94.

We will always remember with fondness and profound gratitude that Mola Litumbe honored our invitation to a symposium held at the Coventry Hilton Hotel in the United Kingdom, on the 30th of September 2017.

Despite the seemingly insurmountable challenges which were faced by all the invited panelists, Mola Njoh Litumbe was the only one who was able to overcome the obstacles to make it safely in person to the symposium.

That singular act of commitment is a great testament to Mola Njoh’s exemplary character and his unimpeachable integrity. He presented the case for The Independence of Southern Cameroons (a cause in which he firmly believed and to which he had dedicated a significant portion of his life), with such eloquence that fascinated and inspired the audience.

Mola Njoh Litumbe was a quintessential product of the old school of gentlemen from Southern Cameroons. A doughty and fearless activist, a persuasively articulate polemicist, fair-minded and brilliant in debate and with a willingness to listen to others. He was engaging, intelligent and an inspirational speaker. It was a privilege to hear him talk. He reminded us of the best qualities in the Anglo-Saxon tradition; a part of our colonial heritage over which he had fought fiercely to uphold and preserve

Needless to say that Mola Njoh Litumbe will be sorely missed. In gratitude to his life-long dedication to the cause of the liberation of the Peoples of Southern Cameroons, we, of the WCA, promise to continue to work towards securing a negotiated lasting settlement. We aspire to eventually secure that missing proverbial ‘marriage certificate’, to which he often alluded, for the self determination of the people of Southern Cameroons.

Richard Nfor

On behalf of the West Cameroon Association

UN Secretary General Calls for a Ceasefire in the Conflict between Southern Cameroons and French Cameroun

The United Nations Secretary General recently called for a ceasefire in the on-going conflict in the Southern Cameroons (Ambazonia). In his statement, the Secretary General requested both parties to engage in a ceasefire to pave the way to finding a lasting solution to the crisis between Southern Cameroons and French Cameroun.

On behalf of the people of the Southern Cameroons and their leader, Sisiku Julius Ayuk Tabe, currently detained unlawfully in a prison in Yaoundé by the government of French Cameroun, I want to inform you of the following confidence building measures we believe will conduce to and create an environment propitious for a sustainable and fruitful engagement between the two parties:

• A ceasefire and at the same time La Republique du Cameroun to pull out all its forces from the Southern Cameroons.

• Unconditional release of all our people held in any detention centres or prison facilities anywhere in connection with the on-going conflict.

• A commitment from La Republique du Cameroun that it would no longer engage in violence of any shape or form against our people.

• A good faith commitment from the government of la Republique du Cameroun to come to the negotiation table on an agreed date and neutral venue in negotiations led by muscular multiple tack one mediators acceptable to both parties.

We believe the above to be (i) minimum confidence building measures that will generate momentum necessary for eventual talks between the two sides to resolve the territorial and human rights disputes that are at the root of the crisis; and (ii) the precursor of the following inevitable international action: humanitarian intervention, fact-finding mission to investigate atrocities and hold those responsible accountable, and an independence referendum.

Yours Sincerely

Dabney Yerima

Vice President

Federal Republic of Ambazonia

To avoid chaos, anarchy and possible explosion, CPDM apologists and Beti tribal jingoists should perish the thought that Frank Biya will succeed his father as the next President of Cameroon.

In December 2008, a Guinean newspaper published a photo of a frail and ailing President Lansana Conté, who appeared to be struggling to stand up. The photo sparked rumors of the president’s ill health and angered the country’s political elite, who hastily ordered the editor’s arrest. The next day, on the instructions of the security chief, the same newspaper carried an even bigger photo of Mr. Conté on its front page – this time smiling broadly and looking spirited. But Conte died a week later, vindicating the newspaper’s initial resolve to let Guineans know that the president’s health was failing.

The head of the National Assembly, Aboubacar Somparé, later explained that leaders hid the president’s “physical suffering in order to give happiness to Guinea.” Mr. Somparé’s clumsy explanation implied a need to avoid succession squabbles and potential violence. Yet six hours after the president’s death was officially announced, the army staged a coup, suspended the constitution and threw the West African nation into political turmoil.

The same scenario seems to be playing out in Cameroon where speculation is rife and rumors abound that the 87-year-old octogenarian President Paul Biya has groomed his son, Frank Biya to succeed him as president. Cameroon’s socio-economic and political crisis is the inevitable result of poor leadership. In a country where the retirement age is 55 years, the average age of the cabinet is 68 years. The Senate President and constitutional successor to the president, Niat Njifenji Marcel, is 85 and has been recycled in different positions of authority for 58 years. House Speaker, Cavaye Yeguié Djibril is 79 and has been an MP since 1971; and Speaker for the last 27 years and counting. The Chief of Army Staff, Gen. René Claude Meka is 80; the Delegate General for National Security, Martin Mbarga Nguélé is 86 years old.

In a mindless distraction from the urgency of the moment, however, the Betis are not only pre-occupied with confiscating power by foisting Frank Biya on the nation, they find it convenient to embark on their quest in the most insulting manner to the sensibilities of all Cameroonians. It does not require a special skill or intelligence to recognize that Cameroon is sick. Although the Betis who have confiscated power may find it a bitter pill to swallow, Biya like very reluctant mortal will eventually die. It is a sad commentary on the character of Cameroonian politics and politicians that the debate as to who will succeed Biya continues to dominate public discourse despite the clear and unambiguous constitutional provisions about presidential succession. Needless and distracting, it is deafening and getting volatile by the day, threatening the fabrics of the nation. As a matter of fact, this needless debate is the pivot on which every political development and activity in the country today, negative and positive, is anchored.

Within the corridors of power in Cameroon, the topic of succession is twisted by delusions, secrecy and ineptitude. The ruling political party’s strategy over the last four decades is for the Cameroons to be a champion of zero-imagination. They have existed in illusions as if Paul Biya would live forever. They have had over thirty years to devise a progression strategy but have done nothing. Paul Biya and his close acolytes have been lazy and reckless in a crucial leadership responsibility to work out a succession plan for the nation.

The daily rumours and briefings from high level regime officials about the appointment of Franck Biya, the president’s son, as the next head of state has been a showcase of lack of preparedness and exceptional absurdity. The drumbeat for Franck Biya’s coronation from high level regime officials and Biya’s tribesmen is shameful. Cameroon is not a monarchy!

Franck Biya has had a profoundly mysterious existence. It was reported that he abandoned school in the US. Little has been reported and documented about his education and professional life. Cameroon Concord News Group has been allowed official papers that evidenced he was issued a license to exploit and export the country’s timber with impunity through Ingeniere Forestiere (ING-F) which has now been declared bankrupt. The accounts of the business and its paid taxes are non-existent.

The Panana Papers alleged that he owned several bank accounts in financial havens around the world. It was rumoured for decades that he showed no interest in politics. But recent photographs of him in motorcades with huge military presence, released by the inner-circle of the CPDM crime syndicate, have raised eyebrows. Why would a country of 25 million settle for such an experiment in the middle of the worst political and economic crisis to befall it? It would not take a rocket scientist to work out that the plan is to put the best person in place to cover the tracks of the crime syndicate that has ruined the country for four decades.

President Biya, presumably a good student of history and a dramatis personae of the system has had 38 years to change the narrative and halt the nation’s steady decline, but he has failed woefully to rise up to the challenge of personal example which is the hallmark of true leadership. Ironically, Cameroon started out on an excellent note as patriots were not in short supply after unification. With their sterling qualities, the likes of ET Egbe, Achidi Achu, Ayissi Mvodo Victor, Samuel Eboua, Maikano Abdoulaye, Dorothy Njuema, Claude Tchepanou, Andze Tsoungui, Sadou Daoudou, Augustine Federick Kodock, Charles Doumba, Eteki Mbouma, Sengat-Kuo Francois, Andre Ngongang Ouandji, Delphine Tsanga, and many others of that Ahidjo era illuminated the horizon with ideas for a nation bound for the greatest of heights. They were men and women who till date remain beyond compare.

In a civilised democracy, where democratic values and culture have been sufficiently implanted in the soul, mind and spirit of the people and imbibed as tenets and societal norms, the ridiculous notion that Frank Biya can succeed his father as president of Cameroon would pass for a mere mundane issue that is laughable and should attract no further comment. This leadership vacuum created by Biya’s absence has left in its trail, economic crises, political turmoil and wanton impoverishment of the people. Worst still, the prospect of prosperity for all in a land so blessed materially and in every other respect is undermined by corruption. Nothing seems to be working in the country today. To make matters worse, the bond that binds the ethnic nationalities together appears at the very best tenuous, if not snapping, and threatening fundamentally the unity of the country.

It is perhaps right to say at no time has the basis of Cameroon’s existence as a multi-ethnic bilingual nation been as furiously assailed as has been witnessed in recent times. The unity in diversity of the country which hitherto was advertised as its strength has been supplanted by the diversities in the unity, such that an average Cameroonian sees himself first in the mold of his ethnic nationality. This explains why the country is politically weak and structurally fragile, even as the regime insists on its pig-headed war of attrition against Anglophones; a majority of who now favor outright separation from the union with French Cameroon. The rising insecurity and frightening prognostications is exacerbated by poverty and insensitive political leadership that prides itself in a false sense of direction with little or no accomplishments to show.

Amid repeated media reports that Biya is dead, political watchers have determined the president is showing more wear and tear mostly in the form of wrinkles on his face; the declining swagger of his gait; the alleged uncontrollable flatulence and protracted anal blasts and the deterioration in his husky voice even as the subterfuge amongst the President’s men is to insist all is fine even when Biya can barely walk. Over the last thirty-eight years, the moral and intellectual equilibrium has slackened under Mr Paul Biya. Political appointments, personal advancements and many things under his reign have been dependent on an inconceivable degree of tribalism, nepotism and a personality cult around him. Over time, Paul Biya has become increasingly ruthless. Under him, the aggregation of power is unprecedented. It is a cult. He rules predominantly by decree. His parliament is a collection of comedians and common criminals. His 180 parliamentarians and 100 senators are spokespeople, subservient to his CPDM crime syndicate. All ministers and parliamentary comedians are expected to recite from a script written in the presidency. It’s fascinatingly dull and depressing but somehow normal in one of the poorest countries on earth despite being blessed with enormous natural resources.

Paul Biya is old, weak, and medically incontinent. But he is surrounded by hand-clappers and ruthless henchmen. Their determination to stay in power is matched by their viciousness. Franck Biya’s unpreparedness for the presidency is obvious. The argument that one doesn’t need a sound university education to govern a nation is weak and made weaker with the rise of Donald Trump. Cameroon Concord News Group summits that if a man cannot exploit timber for free and export for a profit, such a man is ill-suited for the presidency of a nation.

Cameroon’s current state of economic and political woes demand a man or woman of integrity, equipped with the knowledge of world economics in a fast changing world. The country needs to make a logical choice to clean up the mess of the last thirty-eight years. Cameroon needs a choice to drag the country from the abyss into peace and prosperity. This is not the time for costly political experiments and cover-ups. Generations have been destroyed. This country, blessed with abundant human and natural resources, cannot afford to waste another generation.

The next president of Cameroon should not emerge by accident. He ought to have been cultivated, has a clear pedigree, knows the nation, and has the capacity to capture the imagination of Cameroonians by the way he articulates the problems plaguing the country and seeking solutions to such problems. Nor should he be driven by the modern madness of primitive material accumulation and conspicuous consumption of the Biya regime. He must lead by being led by the people.

Cameroon post-Biya must somehow recapture the true spirit of leadership, of service, of sacrifice. Such new kind of leader must espouse a clear vision for the country. He must possess big dreams for Cameroon and sell it to all and sundry. Unlike Biya, he must be a man capable of empathizing with the people – weeping when the people are hurt, and rejoicing when the people are happy. Such a leader must possess the acumen, candour and courage to weld together all of Cameroon’s disparate parts. Such new kind of leader must not be a man of doubtful character and credibility. He must be someone who finds himself in the nation’s highest office by clear grooming and preparation.

Cameroonians must stop moaning and start questioning those who offer themselves for leadership positions. They must look beyond the immediate gratification and the corrupted process that politicians are pirating. They must back up their desire for a better country, by mobilizing to challenge any such effort to impose Frank Biya as the next president of Cameroon. The country needs a president who can recapture the dreams of our founding fathers and once again, begin the earnest journey to true nationhood.

By Isong Asu

London Bureau Chief

Cameroon Concord News Group

Just over four months ago, security forces and armed ethnic Fulani men massacred 21 civilians, including 13 children, in Ngarbuh, a remote village in the North-West region of Cameroon. Most of the bodies were found completely burned.  The killings were the most blatant example of abuse by security forces in the country’s Anglophone regions, but they may serve as a catalyst for accountability and, eventually, change.

Initially the government denied the army was involved in the killings and instead embarked on a smear campaign against human rights organisations and media, which had exposed and denounced the massacre. But, on March 1, following international pressure, Cameroon’s President Paul Biya agreed to establish a commission of inquiry into the killings. There were worries that this may have been an empty promise, especially as the Covid-19 pandemic looked to take over the world’s attention. But on April 21, the Cameroon government admitted their security forces bear some responsibility for the killings.

To be sure, there are concerns over some of the key points of the government’s investigation, especially with respect to the timeline around the attack and the number of people killed. More importantly, the commission’s findings cut the line of responsibility too far down, going after low ranking soldiers and there is a deafening silence from the government as to the role of the Rapid Intervention Battalion (BIR), an elite unit of the army, in the killings. But the investigation led to the arrest of two soldiers and a gendarme last week, one of the few times the government has shown its willingness to hold its own forces accountable for serious crimes.

Impunity is a key driver of the crisis in the Anglophone regions and very few people responsible for serious crimes have been held accountable since it began in late 2016.

While a more in-depth investigation is needed to establish a clear timeline of events and to identify all those responsible, including anyone further up the chain of command we should not underestimate that since the killings, only four months ago, we have gone from blanket denials to an investigation, a statement from the Presidency and now arrests. These mark steps in the right direction – an indication of government willingness to consider accountability for serious crimes committed by its own troops.

For the people of Ngarbuh, accountability cannot come too soon. Last month, the army and gendarmes established a base in the village, striking fear amongst residents. “The images of the killings are still vivid,” one resident told me recently. “I don’t understand how the military can protect us when they came to kill us.”

The attack in Ngarbuh was not an isolated case, but part of a longer history of military abuses in the Anglophone regions. Those crimes also deserve the same level of attention and inquiry that the Ngarbuh massacre received. On this, Cameroon’s international partners can help by assisting the government to establish an independent commission of inquiry, or similar mechanism, to advance accountability for serious human rights abuses committed by both government forces and armed separatists in the Anglophone regions since 2016. They should also encourage Cameroonian authorities to allow human rights organizations and journalists to work without hindrance and fear of reprisal.

The steps towards justice in Ngarbuh, which should lead to prosecutions in fair and public trials, should be viewed as the beginning of a long process in responding to impunity, not as an end in of themselves. It should become the test case to gauge how seriously the government will hold its own men accountable.

Culled from Human Rights Watch

Humans are transient but institutions built on the foundation of truth, honesty and sound cultural connotation, linger long after our transition to the world beyond. Long after our time on this planet, great institutions will articulate our existence to our descendants and future generations. Such is the case with the institution of Chiefdom and Fondom in the Southern Cameroons. Their importance to the soul of our nation cannot be overemphasized.

Cameroon Concord News Group has been allowed reliable information that following the recent ritual recital in Mamfe by some CPDM collaborators of Manyu decent, a few within the Ambazonia Self-Defense circle have registered fury and discontent with the Paramount Chief of Mamfe, His Royal Highness Chief Dr. Godson Oben. This discontent has manifested into threats to his person.

Cameroon Concord News Group strongly condemns any threat to Chief Dr Godson Oben’s life and we of the Concord Group are urging the faction of the Ambazonia Restoration Forces that is considering such line of action to think and rethink and desist without delay.

We have incontrovertible evidence that the plot for the comical and hopeless ritual performance was hatched in Yaoundé without the express knowledge of The Paramount Chief of Mamfe. Consequntly, Ambazonia Self-Defense forces should direct their legitimate resentment and barrels away from the Mamfe Royal Palace.

The CPDM collaborators from Manyu working in accord with the Yaoundé criminal enterprise tried bullying the people into ending the Ambazonia revolution. Their utilization of the western machinery of mass killings for four years has failed.  They have met tougher resistance than they anticipated from man and the gods. Resorting to traditional rituals to bully and intimidate was an act of utter desperation.

It’s not uncommon for CPDM collaborators to overstep their jurisdiction. But in the Ambazonia struggle, they must recognize that they are termites attempting at demolishing rocks. For more than four decades, Manyu has chewed with caution and we have done so under the silent and direct supervision of Chief Dr Godson Oben.

While the disappointment and anger in Manyu is legitimate and merit serious consideration and action, the jurisdiction of Amba Self-Defense forces must be established and clearly defined. A tree can dwell in the river but would never be a crocodile.

Any assault on the Paramount Chief of Mamfe, His Royal Highness Chief Godson Oben, is an attack on a valuable and indispensable institution of the Southern Cameroons we intend to build. Ambazonia intends to be a country built on solid foundation with strong institutions. And the Chiefdoms and Fondoms are timeless and the most vital tools needed by the people of Southern Cameroons.

Ambazonia Self-Defense forces have the powers to impose sanctions and bring criminal proceedings against those who commit atrocities and collaborate in criminal ventures in Manyu. But the Paramount Chief of Mamfe is not one of such persons.

The bad faith and poor judgment of the public performance that shocked the world three weeks ago must not lead us into a journey of many dangers.  The Mamfe Royal Palace is a no go area for both Ambazonia Restoration Forces and the French Cameroun army.

Paul Biya’s hostility towards objective and apolitical traditional institutions is well documented. But the Southern Cameroons we intend to build must accord these institutions their rightful place. Their roles have been clearly defined by His Excellency President Sisiku Ayuk Tabe and all citizens must be educated on the veneration to accord them. Traditional rulers represent constituted divine authority that towers above Biya and his crime syndicate.

The fuzziness of the traditional ritual and the maliciousness of its intended outcome suggest an enterprise to delight political masters in Yaoundé. It achieved nothing than simply putting the Roman Catholic Church in Mamfe to shame (We shall come back to this in a later editorial). The perpetrators of the traditional crime shall face the long arm of the Southern Cameroons justice system no matter how long it takes.

Traditional institutions in Southern Cameroons draw their legitimacy from the broad support of the people and history. Since 1982, the politicizing of these institutions for CPDM gains by some delinquents remains an open secret. It is also shameful that CPDM villains have attempted to use the institution of chiefdom to perpetrate their criminality in the Southern Cameroons. But the real offenders and perpetrators on this Manyu ritual scandal are known by the people and the Paramount Chief of Mamfe is not one of them.

As only evil knows where evil sleeps, the CPDM gangsters of Manyu origin directly involved in the public performance of rituals to stop the Ambazonia revolution, are owls that have now made some of their unattractive secrets public. They are evil-plotters beating their drums for the downfall of Manyu and Ambazonia but they must know that the gods will not let the drums sound.

The Chiefdoms and Fondoms are facing possibly the greatest challenge of their almost 950 years of recorded existence. Cameroon Concord News and Cameroon Intelligence Report are confident that the voices of our 20,000 daily readers are the voices of the gods. The fury of the gods should not be invited upon our land by crossing a red line that shouldn’t be crossed. The Paramount Chief of Mamfe, Chief Dr Godson Oben must be allowed to discharge his duties without interference.

Isong Asu

London Bureau Chief

If Black lives matter, why is it that we hear so little about the modern-day massacre of English-speaking Cameroonians?

In spite of photographic evidence that shows the burning of villages, and in spite of the fact that back in June 2019, UNICEF claimed that 1.3 million people in the Anglophone regions of Cameroon needed humanitarian aid, it seems that the world has turned a deaf ear. The Norwegian Refugee Council announced recently that “Cameroon’s conflict with English-speaking separatists has been rated as the most-neglected crises in the world, for the second year running.”

Black lives *everywhere* matter. I would encourage every facet of the media to educate us on the issue of Cameroon, and for every one of us to ‘ask not what your country can do for you,’ ask what your country might be able to do for the voiceless in Cameroon.

Source: Vicnews.com

Paul Biya never aspired to be involved in politics as a young Roman Catholic seminarian. And even after he was lured into the so-called dirty game by the late President Ahmadou Ahidjo, it was actually his kinsman, Ayissi Mvodo who was being groomed to become Ahidjo’s successor.

Biya was a common politician in Yaoundé and his name summoned images of a good man hunted by a Christian upbringing in the Seminary. Biya was also very popular and idolized by taxi drivers in the nation’s capital who often watched him riding his bicycle all over the city. It was only after the CNU Conference of Maturity that everyone became certain Biya would be the next president of Cameroon, after Ahmadou Ahidjo.

Compared to the then Minister of Territorial Administration, Ayissi Mvodo, Biya was not as charismatic or appealing figure.  But after a physical confrontation between Biya and the late Ayissi Mvodo during a cabinet meeting and in the presence of Ahmadou Ahidjo, there was not a trace of Mvodo’s presence anywhere in Yaoundé.

Biya did not seek out recognition or popularity in the presence of his political boss, Ahmadou Ahidjo and the ruling CNU barons from the Northern provinces and he also had no interest in creating a political space for himself even after his appointment as Prime Minister in 1975. Ayissi Mvodo attempted all of the above!

In his early days as Secretary General at the Presidency of the Republic, Biya applied very skilful diplomacy in his dealings with all of the Ahidjo men and women from the North pushing them to perceive him as shy, reserved, weak French Cameroun political elite who was not interested in leadership. This was also the assumptions Biya fed the entire nation with but in one occasion he hinted Chief Emmanuel Tabi Egbe that power is in the presidency and not in the Prime Minister’s office.

On the 6^th of November 1982, the invisible hand of history started to sweep away these perceptions and proved everyone wrong when Biya took office as Head of State. Unlike his dynamic kinsman, Ayissi Mvodo, French and English speaking Cameroonians started viewing Biya as someone without the instincts or the drive to lead a country.

Biya was certainly not a leader for the two Cameroons and as I write, after more than 40 years in authority, he cannot stand for anything. To me and many other Cameroon political commentators, Biya’s crossing the carpet from the Union Des Population du Cameroun, UPC to Ahidjo’s Cameroon National Union, CNU while in France was simply to look for a normal, peaceful, luxurious life somewhere in Europe with his late wife Jeanne Irene Biya. The billions of FCFA wasted by him and his family in the International Continental Hotel in Geneva over the last 36 years justify this assertion.

There was one small thing, small but great! While all the Ahidjo acolytes and the entire nation focused on the actions of Ayissi Mvodo and the relationship he was attempting to develop with General Pierre Semengue, Paul Biya was educating himself on the Cameroon political story learning “polite arrogance” from Dr Mrs Dorothy Njeuma and how to place Garoua against Maroua from Amadou Ali and fanning the North West/South West Divide via E.T.Egbe and Simon Achidi Achu and containing the Bamileke money power by establishing a new generation of Beti Ewondo businessmen after T-Bella.

Biya knew he had to always be in Ahidjo’s good books, so he pretended to be dedicated to the United Republic of Cameroon idea which he political calls today, the one and indivisible nation. But underneath his pro United Republic action was an ocean of activities that signaled he was more attracted to the Western style and of course he has been governing from France and Switzerland ever since he became President of the Republic.

When the late President Ahidjo made up his mind and started grooming Biya to become the next president, the former seminarian tactfully avoided the comfortable life in any luxurious home in Yaoundé and continued on as a deeply devoted Ahidjo student while adoring the anonymity that the powerful Ahidjo men such as Moussa Yaya and Maicano Abdoulaye including E.T.Egbe and Ayissi Mvodo offered him. Biya was not in the public eye but privately he was being trained in military affairs by General Pierre Semengue who was a classmate and a personal friend.

The Beti Ewondo hardliners staged a coup on 1984 and used it to transform Biya completely. They succeeded and even Biya’s low, soft, Christian-like voice became tougher, and his political stance and appointments became more confident and powerful. But though Biya changed on the surface, he never changed on the inside. 

From the day he became president, Cameroon was reduced to a holiday resort for him. To be sure, he lives in Europe and only comes home to empty the state coffers and appoint new agents into his ruling CPDM crime syndicate. Western lifestyle is the only thing that occupies Biya’s mind.

In the beginning of his rule, he introduced rigour and moralization, which included some political reforms that would suit the Western-style changes he planned. But when he saw that the reaction to his political shake-up was endangering his own throne, he concocted new policies of encouraging corruption, mass repression and relying on CENER, the secret service and the army to enforce his commands.

Internal clashes and tensions between Biya and Ahidjo’s old guards were ruthlessly crushed and severely dealt with. Biya became aware of the discontent and used his power to retire many of the old guard, sweeping them from power to reduce the conflict he faced with the Grand Nord.

Biya’s acceptance of the IMF policies such as increase neo-liberal policies and privatization exaggerated the inequality between the poor and the rich in Cameroon while a small portion of his Francophone Beti Ewondo political elites and their business associates benefited from these policies.

Unable to control the wind of change that sparked an uprising against his CPDM government in 1990 the old guard members, who had been forced to retire, were brought back to power to address the situation. Name them; Gilbert Andze Tchougui, Jean Forchive, Ibrahim Mbombo Njoya, Joseph Charles Doumba and Robert Mbella Mbappe etc.

Did Biya’s idealistic vision of dividing Cameroon again by taking the nation back into the Francophonie and the Commonwealth — but still consolidating power at the top in Yaounde — play a role in the numerous crises that have rocked the country? Did Biya’s vast and failed economic and neo-liberal reforms, which in the end only benefited his gilded circle, have an impact on the current Southern Cameroons crisis? Perhaps the combination of all of these factors led to the rampant rebellion and mistrust of the people that Biya had been chosen to lead.

By Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai