22, November 2017
In Sisiku Ayuk Tabe, we see the star of the Ambazonia revolution shining 0
Over the last thirty-six years, Paul Biya Bi Mvondo, the blood thirsty leader of French Cameroun has pursued the colonial and annexationist agenda of his predecessor Babatoura Ahmadou Ahidjo over the Southern Cameroons with brutal and cruel arrogance. Southern Cameroonians have endued fifty-six years of French Cameroun’s colonial rule of terror with revolting indignation in the hope that the international community would come to our rescue.
Hundreds of thousands, perhaps millions of petitions filed by Southern Cameroonians to the United Nations, the African Union and international organizations established to protect and promote the liberating ethos of freedom and respect for international law received only timid acknowledgement. The bureaucratic shield surrounding the United Nations system and the corrupting influence of French Cameroun using the wealth obtained from looting the natural and mineral resources of the Southern Cameroons guaranteed French Cameroun the impunity to prosecute its policy of oppression and criminality over the Southern Cameroons. Considering French Cameroun and himself insulated from scrutiny over the brutality of French Cameroun’s colonial policies in the annexed territory of the Southern Cameroons, the leaders of French Cameroun ignored all entreaties and appeals to dialogue with the leaders and peoples of the Southern Cameroons to find a lasting solution to longstanding issues.
The time has come for all the leaders of the various liberation movements of the Southern Cameroons to join the revolutionary train set on the rails by our people back home in the Southern Cameroons to support the interim government established at the just ended conclave in Kaduna, Nigeria to kick French Cameroun’s out of our territory. This support is critical because the only language that will get the UN and the international community out of slumber to right the consequences its misfeasance in our territory is that of a united targeted field action. The time for that action is now.
At the threshold of the ongoing irreversible popular revolution in the Southern Cameroons, Paul Biya Bi Nvondo the sanguinary vampiric emperor of French Cameroun paid two visits to Abuja in one month. He met with His Excellency President Mohammandu Buhari. Nothing but the Southern Cameroons revolution could have compelled this aging dictator to make the unprecedented visits to Aso Rock considering his legendary record of ignoring Africa. He hoped that he could persuade the Nigerian President through diplomatic means and may be corruption which is his hallmark, to deport hundreds of thousands Southern Cameroonians and their leaders who over the years, sought refuge in Nigeria.Among these Southern Cameroonians future prominently, SesekuAyuk, the humble but determined pillar of the Southern Cameroons revolution.
Those who know the President of French Cameroun, his missions to Nigeria portrayed his tacit acknowledgement at long last, that the much-anticipated David of the Southern Cameroons struggle had emerged in Nigeria to confront the Goliath of French Cameroun brutal annexation of the Federal Republic of Ambazonia.
The dispatch of French Cameroun’s Minister of Territorial Administration Rene Sadi to Nigeria where he was received by the Vice President of the Federation His Excellency Professor Yemi Osibanjo a few weeks ago carried further symbolic weight. This visit is a testament to the fearful impact on the colonial regime of the outcome of the conclave of the Southern Cameroons that took place in Kaduna, Nigeria. Far reaching decisions were taken in that conclave regarding the road map for the actualization of the liberation of the Southern Cameroons. This road map is premised on the threshold of the Southern Cameroons independence and freedom pact that was sealed on October 1, 2017 with the blood of hundreds of thousands of our citizens.
These desperate actions by the criminal regime in French Cameroun underscore the significance of Nigeria in our liberation struggle. The presence in Nigeria of our interim leader and hundreds of thousands of Southern Cameroonians are key advantages that we have in our wining strategy. This is one compelling reason why we must support our interim leader and the interim institutions of governance established at the conclave for the actualization of our freedom.
Currently, there are officially over forty thousand Southern Cameroonian refugees in Nigeria. These are but conservative figures because over the last fifty-six years, hundreds of thousands of Southern Cameroonians sought refuge in Nigeria fleeing from the brutality of the annexation of our territory. They did not fold their hands and resigned themselves to fate. They have been active in our struggle in many ways. They, for example, are significant participants in the grass roads revolution that has reclaimed our independence and are actively defending it at the colossal costs of blood and limb.
Nigeria is of great importance to our cause not just because the Federation has offered our people and leaders the protections and support afforded in international law to victims of war crimes and international criminality. Nigeria is and was and will always be a key player in the defense of our liberty, freedom and independence. The Southern Cameroons has some enduring historic ties with Nigeria. The ethnic,nationality and cultural identity that the Southern Cameroons shares with Nigeria from the Niger Delta, Bakassi, Cross River, Ogoja through to Mubi in the North are indelible factors that must be seriously weighed and acknowledged. The presence of our leadership and hundreds of thousands of our people in Nigeria, and millions more directly concerned with the ethnic and nationality component in this struggle, calls for urgent attention. It is in our best interest to support a leadership that realises this reality and has the capacity to mobilize it for our common good.
Nigeria is the natural environment where our people will and have always sought refuge in time of need. Our interim Head of State Seseku Ayuk Tabe was in Cross River State of Nigeria to visit and support our people. Our diaspora has been blackmailed by some collaborators of the colonial rule making Nigeria the natural ideal environment where they will sooner or later meet and commune with their families. For example, over the past few days, one Benard Foju, a disgraced CPDM MP for Lebialem accused the Lebialem diaspora of brainwashing Lebialem youths and providing them drugs to torch his house and to resist colonial rule. This conduct which is not isolated, was intended to mobilize the enemy forces of oppression to target members of the diaspora, making Nigeria the natural environment for many to establish contact with their families back home. There is therefore good reason for us to support the interim government whose base in Nigeria offers the best hope yet to liaise with all Southern Cameroons organizations to prosecute the urgent realization of our peoples’ freedom.
We are conscious that there are many Southern Cameroons organizations and individuals out there agitating for leadership or to present alternative leadership of our struggle. It is possible for them to make meaningful contributions towards the realization of our cause without tacitly helping our adversary French Cameroun in dislodging us from Nigeria and depriving us of a natural environment for the realization of our liberation. This perforce must lead to the vacation of our territory by the occupation forces of French Cameroun. Those who are attacking the interim President and the interim government are missing the target and in ignorance advancing the objectives of our enemy. They should spare the invectives in them and direct them towards French Cameroon. The Southern Cameroons needs a leader who is humble, matured, composed, resolute, determined and focused.
Sisiku Ayuk Tabe has demonstrated that he can reach out to front line leaders and all Southern Cameroonians. The postings by some leaders disclosing the subjects of their communication portray him as a steady leader who reaches out to Southern Cameroonians in the hope of building a consensus and grand coalition for the realisation of our objectives. This is what the leader of a revolutionary struggle must be. He has demonstrated that he can accept criticism and wise counsel in all humility. He is approachable, and available. We salute his endurance, steadfastness, vision and focus. He has depersonalised the leadership of the struggle. This is an attribute we sought many years ago. He is at the very heart of every man, woman and child in the Southern Cameroons. We strongly call on all the leaders of the various organizations in the Federation of Ambazonia to work with the interim government to confront our common enemy. There is a place and role for everyone in this struggle. Let us support Sisiku Ayuk Tabe who so far has led us this far. In him, we see the star of the Ambazonia revolution shining.
By Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai
Editor-in-Chief
Cameroon Concord News Group
1, December 2017
One, United and Indivisible Cameroon – French Cameroun Lies & Bad Faith (2) 0
Anglophones never voted to become the footstool of French Cameroun exploitation and plunder. (Part 1 of this soul-searching write-up is found on Cameroon Intelligence Report)
Despite claims to the contrary, French Cameroun never wanted any union with Southern Cameroons. In the countdown to the 1961 plebiscite, the standing view was that Southern Cameroons was not economically viable and would be a drainpipe on Her Majesty’s government who was passing the buck to French Cameroun taxpayers. But if Britain had consulted the geological survey maps left by the Germans after their defeat in WWI, they would have granted Southern Cameroons full independence because the Germans had documented huge potential oil reserves in the Rio del Rey basin. Thanks to British indolence, the 3rd option of independence agreed by the 43 delegates at the August 1959 all party conference in Mamfe, chaired by Sir Sidney Phillipson, Acting Southern Cameroons Commissioner, was rejected by Andrew Cohen, Britain’s representative to the UN Trusteeship Council; and not presented as an option during the 1961 plebiscite.
Even after the UN Plebiscite, in which Southern Cameroons voted for independence by joining French Cameroun, French Cameroun acted in bad faith by challenging the plebiscite results and proceeded to vote against UNGA Resolution 1608 (XV) of April 21, 1961 to prevent unification with Southern Cameroons. There were 64 votes for; 23 against and 10 abstentions. Amongst the countries that joined French Cameroun to vote against unification with Southern Cameroons were France, Ivory Coast, Congo-Brazzaville, Zaire, Senegal, Dahome (Benin), Niger, Upper Volta (Burkina Faso), Chad, Central Africa Republic and Gabon (the last three being former German Kamerun territories). President Ahidjo even went ahead to declare Feb 11 a day of national mourning for British Northern Cameroon, which had voted to join Nigeria. This begs the question: if Cameroon was one, united and indivisible as Francophones are now claiming, why did French Cameroun vote against unification at the UN?
This act of bad faith remains a sore point in Cameroon’s history and speaks directly to the hypocrisy and contradiction of French Cameroun’s assertion that Cameroon is one, united and indivisible. By rejecting political association with Southern Cameroons, French Cameroun maintained its international boundaries duly recorded when it was admitted to membership of the UN after obtaining independence from France on January 1, 1960. Southern Cameroons was then a self-governing British UN-mandated territory with all the trappings of a nation-state, including internationally recognized borders. French Cameroun started asserting territorial claims over Southern Cameroons only after Yves Bie’ville; the French jurist who drafted the French Cameroun constitution learned about the existence of huge oil deposits in Southern Cameroons from a German intelligence source and informed officials at the Quai d’Orsay, who ordered Ahidjo to drop his opposition to unification.
The French then dispatched a team of advisers to help Ahidjo navigate the Foumban conference of July 17-21, 1961. The Foumban conference was to be followed by a four party conference to work out modalities of the federation ahead of the planned October 1st unification date. But the conference never held. Rather, on August 6, 1961, Ahidjo announced an amendment of the French Cameroun constitution to “accommodate Southern Cameroons as the western part of German Kamerun.” On October 1, 1961 shortly after the Union Jack was lowered, Ahidjo sent French Cameroun troops into Southern Cameroons; where they have remained till this day. The hidden agenda of the deconstruction of Southern Cameroons had begun in earnest. In 1962, the pound sterling was abolished and the East Cameroun CFA franc imposed on the whole country. In 1964, the measurement system of feet, pounds and miles was abandoned in favor of the metric system of kilometers and kilograms.
In 1966, an unsuccessful attempt was made to harmonize the legal systems of the federated states, but this precipitated a crisis and was shelved. In the same year, all the political parties were dissolved to form the Cameroon National Union (CNU). Three years later, all trade unions in the country merged into a federation attached to the CNU, forswearing its allegiance to the international labor movement. French Cameroun’s sickening interest in Southern Cameroons is driven only by the desire to continue exploiting Southern Cameroon’s natural resources to finance their corrupt system of abusive patronage and ethnic-inspired clientelism, while Southern Cameroonians wallow in abject poverty and misery in the midst of plenty. Proof: in the 2017 Public Investment Budget, the South region (the President’s region of origin) with a population of 800,000 was allocated FCFA 126.2 billion; while the two English speaking regions (which account for over 60% of national GDP) with an estimated population of eight million people was allocated FCFA 85.7 billion. This is insulting and unacceptable!
Before Francophones continue peddling the hoax of a one, united and indivisible Cameroon, they need to answer these questions. When they reaffirm their commitment to a united Cameroon, are they referring to the territory or the people? When government spokespersons cite former German Kamerun to justify why Cameroon must remain one, united and indivisible; why then did French Cameroun oppose unification and voted against UN Resolution 1608 in April 1961? Can anyone not blinded by prejudice and self-interest justify this act of bad faith? From 1961-1972 when the country was a federal republic, was Cameroon one, united and indivisible? Even as Francophones continue to remonstrate about one, united and indivisible Cameroon, they must apologize for the 1961 vote against unification and stop pussyfooting and paying lip service over addressing the needs of the exploited Anglophone region which produces the bulk of the nation’s wealth. Anglophones are no longer fooled.
While French Cameroun argues that Southern Cameroons is an integral part of its territory because they have been administered jointly for 56 years, it is worth noting that Ukraine and Russia parted ways despite sharing over 1,000 years of common history. Southern Cameroons broke away from Nigeria in 1953 despite sharing 44 years of common history as well. Even if French Cameroun claims Southern Cameroons is only two of its ten regions, it cannot forget that Eritrea used to be the only former Red Sea Province of Ethiopia. That did not stop Eritrea from gaining independence. The decentralization offer for regional autonomy sold as tangible reform under the 1996 Constitution is unacceptable notably because it makes the assumption that Southern Cameroons is part of French Cameroun, and not an illegally occupied and recolonized territory.
Besides, the past 56 years are littered with evidence that French Cameroun violated the terms of unification. It has broken every promise beginning with the promise to the UN to create a federation of two equal states. In addition, autocratic regimes do not honor such pledges. It was the case when in 1961, the emperor of Ethiopia revoked the autonomous status granted Eritrea by Britain in 1952, annexing it as Ethiopia’s 14th province; leading to the 30-year war of independence. In 1989, Serbian leader, Slobodan Milosevic, revoked the autonomous status of Kosovo leading to a decade of repression, culminating in the NATO war against Yugoslavia in 1999.
With Anglophones expressing disgust about the union, many are seeking a redefinition of the association in such a way that the imbalance and injustice in the system could be addressed for the emergence of a stronger and virile union.Within the circumstance, no amount of threat or intimidation will make Cameroon united. The government should stop reveling in self-delusion; we are no longer in the 1970s. The government can say what it wants, but nobody is fooled anymore. This generation of Anglophones are well-educated and know that the issue at stake here is their natural resources. And they have demonstrated their resolve to fight and die for their future and that of posterity!
The ostrich evasion of the President who pretended to dismiss the escalating crisis as the handiwork of terrorists masking as secessionists is a self-defeating strategy, which only aggravates the self-inflicted tragedy of a nation not prepared to engage in hard thinking; unwilling to introspect dispassionately and speak hard truths to itself; to muster courage to re-direct itself and do what is germane to peaceful co-existence.The only thing that will bring unity in Cameroon is for the government to eschew this conquest mentality and dialogue with Anglophones in a sovereign national conference where both sides will renegotiate the unity and the future of Cameroon as equal partners. This will enable French Cameroun to reconcile with the truth about unification – the subject of the next article in this series.
By Ekinneh Agbaw-Ebai
*Ekinneh Agbaw-Ebai is a Public Intellectual and graduate of Harvard University John F. Kennedy School of Government, where he was Managing Editor of the Harvard Journal of African-American Public Policy. A former Research Analyst for Freedom House, he is a Consultant and lives in Boston, USA. Talk back at ekinneh@yahoo.com