Cameroon’s law on “the suppression of acts of terrorism”, to wit: No 2014/028 of 12/23/2015, came into being within the backdrop of the necessity to contain the constant threats of terrorism which the country witnesses from Nigeria’s Islamist Jihadist group, Boko Haram. This law does not define terrorism, but merely lays down what it may constitute, a la Camerounais. Section 2 of Chapter II specifically states that, whoever, acting alone or as an accomplice or an accessory, commits or threatens to commit an act likely to cause death, endanger physical integrity, cause bodily injury or material damage, destroy natural resources, the environment or cultural heritage with intent to:  “(i) Intimidate the public, provoke a situation of terror or face the victim, the government/and or a national or international organization to carry out or refrain from carrying out an act, adopt or renounce a particular position; (ii) disrupt the national functioning of public services to the public to create a crisis situation among the public; (iii) create widespread insurrection in the country; (iv) shall be punished with the death penalty”.  For the same motives as stated above, the law imposes capital punishment for anyone whosoever provides or makes use of arms and war material; provides or makes use of micro-organisms or any other biological agent, especially viruses, mushroom clouds, or toxins; provides or uses chemical, psychotropic, radioactive, or hypnotizing agents; or takes hostages.

Fight against terrorism.

Recently, the Boko Haram insurgents from Nigeria have found safe heavens in Nigeria’s neighbors, Cameroon inclusive. The three Northern Provinces of Adamawa, North, and Extreme North of Cameroon, because of proximity, have been the most hit hard throughout the country.  While the fight against terrorism is a legitimate concern, there is fear the government of Cameroon can turn this law into an oppression tool, to crack down on any oppositional movements that may seek to demand better living conditions when the government becomes autocratic, tyrannical and or oppressive. The law increases the government’s power to impose executive lawlessness, high handedness and dictatorialness to the extent where the same law seems to shackle the scales of justice, tilting them towards the favour of the government operatives, against citizens of the country.

Intriguing here is, the law does not define what terrorism is. In loose terms, this means in the Cameroons, any activity that challenges state polity, can be deemed to be an act of terrorism. In that vein, social activism and other legitimate political manifestations stand chances of easily being branded as terrorist activities, just to punish the concerned, or crackdown on dissent. For a country that claims to battle the ills of terrorism, this law, may well be a recipe for abuses or infringements on personal liberties and freedoms.  The importance of this law lies more not on what it has stated to protect, but on what it implies and as such, it may be making justice not to be just.

Crackdown on dissent.

The seventeen (17) Sections of the counter-terrorism law that are divided into four (04) Chapters, cover great grounds not only pertaining to “terror”, but also other spheres of societal and state life that are not even terrorism-related.  With the inclusion of words like “act likely to cause death”, “endanger physical integrity”, “intimidate the public”, “disrupt the national functioning of public services”, “create widespread insurrection in the country”, etc., the government arrogated to itself, the legal instrumentality to suppress any form of challenge to its supremacy. The legislation vastly expands power that usually is invoked only during a state of emergency.

Quite often than not, most civil society organizations and their activities all over the world have been perceived to be attempts at causing social instability and unrest and by extension, causing harm to the government. These may fall within what this law refers to as, “acts that disrupt the “national functioning of public services, acts that cause bodily injury or material damage, etc.” By projecting itself to be a strong legislation against terrorism, the Cameroon government has either deliberately or inadvertently shut the doors for any attempts at political reconciliation, dialogue, or rehabilitation of those who may find themselves on the wrong side of state excesses and perceived successes. The domestic predicament is further accentuated by the fact that in the Cameroons, there are a great many groupings of dissatisfied peoples. Thus, whilst the Bamilekes of the West Province may still bare the grudge of state-sponsored terrorism of the 1960s during which there were the Maquizaars that brutally maimed and killed many of their peoples, the Anglophones of Southern Cameroons are dissatisfied with discrimination, marginalization and general maltreatment by the Yaounde government, the Ewondos and Beties of the South are angry at the lavish and posh life lived by the president and his men, right in their faces, yet they wallow in abject poverty like the rest of the country. In short, in the Cameroons, there is no tolerance for dissent.

Unconstitutionality of the law.

Cameroon’s anti-terrorism law is in total contradiction of the Constitution of the country.  It establishes permanent special terrorism circuits in the court system and suffers from constitutional deficiencies in the course. Chapter 3, Section 11 ordains that, “the duration of remand in custody shall be fifteen (15) days renewable upon the authorization of the state prosecutor”. This means once accused, a person can be incarcerated ad infinitum, as there is no limit to the remand periods. Such incarceration, it also means, can be ordered by a state prosecutor. It is trite law that only a trial magistrate in a duly constituted court has the powers of deciding that someone can or should do time in jail. Unfortunately, this law strips off the powers of sentencing from the trial judge and gratuitously awards them to the prosecutor. This is an anomaly. It is an arrogant usurpation of the judges’ role. An accused who benefits from a ruling of the court admitting him or her to bail, may under the Cameroon counterterrorism law, be re-arrested and detained by a prosecuting magistrate. The prosecutor here (of course for the state) assumes the avuncular position of an accuser, judge and jury. Having not taken into consideration the difference between the duties of a prosecuting and those of a presiding magistrate, this law threatens the buoyancy of any oppositional opinions in societal life as holders of such opinions may be arrested and detained at any time, if their ideas are rooted in dissent of any kind. This is inauspicious! With this new era of ubiquitous prosecutors on behalf of the state, the very fabrics of fair trials are under a dangerous threat of extinction within the face of the Cameroonian legal sphere, at least when it comes to counter terrorism. It is trite law that once a ruling of a court has been handed down, it can only be reversed by a court of appellate jurisdiction. But with the law under review, a prosecutor may ignore the court ruling and arrest and incarcerate an accused person who is already enjoying bail. This again is a fragrant violation of the basic principles of law and fair hearing. It is a travesty of justice.

 An accused person is expected to be deemed to be innocent until proven guilty by a duly constituted trial court. The illegality of this law is further seen from the perspective where it deprives the accused of the presumption of innocence. This is against the constitution of the country, which in its preamble states that: “the law shall ensure the right of every person to a fair hearing before the courts… and every person is presumed innocent until found guilty during a hearing conducted in strict compliance with the rights of the defence”.  For the period of remand in custody to be according to the length of the prosecutor’s foot, is a compendious way of saying the accused has no right to be admitted to bail or at most, they are at the mercy of the prosecutor. In a civilized society, this is not how justice works. That being so, the accused, it may seem, are being declared guilty under this law, even before trial. This is in contravention with the Constitution which states that everyone has a right to bail when they are deserving thereof.

 Under Cameroon’s law on suppression of acts of terrorism, the accused cannot benefit from the common law remedy of habeas corpus, which is a writ challenging the reasons or conditions of a person’s arrest and confinement. It is intended to probe into the lawfulness or lack thereof, of a person’s detention and thus prevent unlawful or arbitrary imprisonment. This remedy is made available in Articles 584 – 588 of the Criminal Procedure Code 2005, under its Book VI Special Procedures. If an application for habeas corpus is granted, a writ is issued directing the custodian to bring the confined person before the court to stand trial for the alleged charges and to be admitted to bail.  Habeas corpus, is a very strong-spirited tool a person under custody can use to ensure that his or her arrest and incarceration is not unlawful. Whenever a person is arrested and detained through an unfair process, that imprisonment is unlawful, and the concerned must be given enough information by the legal department in order to know why their liberty is being restricted so that they may be given the opportunity to answer any charges levied against them in court. It is our contention that this anti-terrorism law violates the constitution of Cameroon when the same denies the accused a right to habeas corpus. This is because the constitution in its preamble again states that, “every accused person has a right to …humane treatment in all circumstances. Under no circumstances shall any person be subjected to torture, cruel, inhumane or degrading treatment”. The Article 65 of the constitution provides a very invaluable support to the preamble by stating that the preamble is an integral part of the constitution. It is unimpeachable therefore to say that both the constitution and its preamble are of the same probative value and possess the same weight and magnitude. The Cameroon law on the suppression of acts of terrorism fails to afford the accused with all the constitutional protections accorded him or her by the constitution which in its preamble further states that, “the state shall guarantee all citizens … the freedoms set forth in the Preamble of the Constitution”. This, to me, is an aberration. It is repugnant to equity, natural justice, and good conscience.

Doctrine of Supremacy of laws.

 Also known as the principle of hierarchy of laws, this principle puts laws in a conformity pyramid, with the international laws and treaties at the top of the niche, while municipal laws are found lower in the echelons.  It is a legal principle which stops nations which are signatories to certain international conventions and treaties, from legislating laws that contravene the said conventions and treaties. Cameroon is signatory to the UN Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhumane and Degrading Treatment and Punishment 1987, the Universal declaration of Human Rights 1948, The African Chatter on Human and Peoples’ Rights 1986, and many others. By accepting to become a signatory to these conventions, the government signed to acquiesce to the provisions of these international treaties and conventions. All of these legal instruments condemn the death penalty. Article 45 of the Cameroon constitution even gives legislative recognition to the above, when it states that, “duly approved and ratified treaties and international agreements shall, … override national laws…”. These provisions also render illegal, unconstitutional, and unacceptable within the committee of law-abiding nations of the world, the portions of the counterterrorism laws that impose capital punishment.

The wisdom of military justice.

The Cameroon counter terrorism law places jurisdiction for adjudication of matters relating to suppression of acts of terrorism exclusively in the hands of the military tribunals. Hitherto now, the military tribunals had jurisdiction to try offences of purely military nature, provided for in the “code de justice militaire” governed by Ordinance No 72 of August 26^th 1972 as amended by law No 87-9 of July 15^th 1987. These offences were those committed by soldiers, inside military establishments or in the course of service or of any nature in which a soldier is involved, or offences relating to firearms and firearms legislation or offences during state of emergency. Terrorism laws make citizens to be tried under military law. The law makes military tribunals to also try civilians for events that are committed neither by military officers, nor with the use of firearms. This in itself, could be seen as the fabrication of a self-serving law on terror, … a smoke screen to terrorize the public and ordinary citizens with.

 The code de justice militaire observes the inquisitorial system of adjudication as opposed to the adversarial system that obtains in the civil courts. While in the adversarial system the presiding judge listens to both sides without prior knowledge of the facts and evidence of the case, in the inquisitorial system, the judge gathers evidence directly from the accused, by questioning them rigorously, with the intention of bringing out the truth. A premium is placed on the rights of the accused in the adversarial system, while on the inquisitorial system, those rights are secondary to the discovery of truth. It is a worrisome situation in that although the accused in an inquisitorial system may not be considered guilty before the trial, a presumption of innocence which is the bedrock of the adversarial system is not a requirement here.As such, it is easy to see that an accused undergoing trial in an inquisitorial system of adjudication (which obtains at the military tribunal,) is disadvantaged over his or her counterpart in an adversarial system. For a crime where punishment is death, it is only a bad law that sets up a trial that puts the accused at a disadvantage of any kind.

Judgment at the military tribunal is made after a collective vote of the assessors and the trial judge. Assessors are usually lay in the law. For crimes where the punishment is death, isn’t it outrageous to hear that such huge responsibilities are put into the hands of lay people? Scholars have held that this is a joke.Worse of all, a two-thirds majority is required to convict a suspect/accused in an inquisitorial system, whereas a unanimous verdict is the norm in an adversarial system. Again, the accessors, apart from having neither knowledge of the law nor of counterterrorism, the accused in these cases do not have the opportunity to question them about possible biasses. It is unheard of that people’s lives can be toyed with, in a manner as despicable as letting them undergo life-determining trials under military justice.

Conclusion.

With such a draconian law, the Cameroon government enshrined a latent state of emergency as the law of the land. The law seems to set out, not to protect the citizenry, but rather to protect the state… making it indicative of the consolidation of excessive power in the hands of the executive. While the ruling elite splurges, the rest of the clan wallows in squalor. With this law, the government equipped itself with even greater powers to continue stamping out its critics and opponents under its opaque war on terrorism. Cameroon’s anti-terrorism law looks like a midnight law that marks and makes the country a republic of darkness. It considers all criticism or dissent as terrorism. On a whole, this law is an affront to common sense. With all its deficiencies, the law is a good example of what a good law should not be. It is unwarranted, inadmissible, and unacceptable as the same was not legislated to prosecute, but to persecute the accused. Dissenting such a law to my mind, is a non-reformist reform that should become part of a broader Pax Kamaruna movement that recognizes the interconnectedness of the law and the importance of being fair. The struggle to ensure the existence of a fair society is inextricably linked to the struggle to dismantle any ideation that breads bigotry, gaffe, despotism, and their ilks. Movements for the defense of fair laws in Cameroon must preach ex cathedra, sermons that seek to remove the whole country from this quack mire of a scandal and bring it into the mid-and-center of the fight for justice that is truly just. Justice, it is said, must not only be done, but must also be seen as being done, and that to my mind, must start with the existence of good laws, not the laws that shackle the very hands of justice itself.

By Tanyi-Mbianyor Samuel Tabi

*Tanyi-Mbianyor Samuel Tabi is an Attorney-at-Law, a Solicitor and a Notary Public. An expert in counterterrorism, he holds a Master’s Degree in Public Administration with a concentration in Terrorism, Peace and Mediation. He is a member of both the Cameroon and Canadian Bar Associations and is currently a Ph.D candidate in Public Policy and Law at the Walden University School of Public Policy.

Besides the unrelenting violence that characterises Boko Haram, a revealing, but often-ignored, aspect of the group’s public outreach is its messaging. Boko Haram’s desire to spread its narrative has been one of the most important features of the group’s insurgency. Recent research conducted by the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) examines the content of 145 public messages from Boko Haram between 2010 and August 2016, when the movement split into two factions.

Some themes recur throughout the 145 messages. For example, nearly half of all messages have relayed Boko Haram attack claims, increasing awareness on group activities and presenting the movement in a strong light. Surprisingly, the third most common theme between 2010 and 2016 dealt with the prospect of government negotiations, with the group frequently denying rumours surfacing in the Nigerian press to that effect. This preoccupation reveals Boko Haram’s insistence on responding to public rumours, to ensure the dominance of its own narrative over those of its opponents.

Other prominent themes have risen and declined in response to overall group objectives, an indication of the interconnectedness between messaging and group strategy. For example, messaging regarding Boko Haram’s ability to serve as a defender of Nigeria’s Muslims – which included anti-Christian rhetoric and frequent references to historic episodes of strife in the religiously mixed Middle Belt region of the country – featured prominently in media productions early in the group’s history.

This coincided particularly with violence between 2012 and 2013, when the movement regularly conducted attacks against Christians in central Nigeria, probably in a failed attempt to spark a religious war. After that, group strategy shifted in response to both external and internal dynamics. In 2015, when the focus on Nigeria’s Middle Belt decreased, so did messages relating to this topic. One reason for this drop in attention to the area was the imposition by the Nigerian government of a state of emergency in the north-east. Another was the increased targeting of Muslim civilians in response to the rise of anti-Boko Haram vigilante groups.

 The decision to engage in territorial control in the north-east also played a role. At other times, the group has presaged future violence in its messaging, linking specific targets to group grievances. Campaigns of attacks on schools, cellphone masts, the media and even a claimed attack on the oil sector in Lagos in June 2014 were all preceded by public warnings, often tied to specific complaints.

Boko Haram’s geographic expansion both within Nigeria and to neighbouring nations in the Lake Chad Basin followed a similar pattern, primarily driven by the perceived mistreatment of its members. For example, when public warnings to the northern Nigerian states of Kano and Sokoto, and neighbouring Cameroon, over detained Boko Haram members were ignored, the first major incidents of violence in those areas followed.

Another important aspect of Boko Haram messaging is the high level of adaptation displayed in terms of types of messages, their distribution and content. Initially, messaging primarily took the form of direct interviews by appointed spokesmen with local journalists, flyers distributed to select communities and rambling statements from leader Abubakar Shekau. This stands in stark contrast to the more recent high-quality video productions, often including coverage of attacks, primarily distributed via social media.

The most dramatic and rapid changes along these lines occurred in the lead-up to, and after, Shekau’s public allegiance to the Islamic State in March 2015. Shekau almost completely disappeared from messaging, a major change from previous years.

Appearing in just two audio clips after the pledge, his absence – probably in adherence to Islamic State standards emphasising messaging from rank-and-file members instead of group leaders – was a striking representation of the external influence and coordination present in messaging during this stage. This has been confirmed by Shekau’s reappearances in video messaging since his August 2016 split from the Islamic State-backed faction of the movement, ostensibly once he was freed from the restrictions limiting his public presence.

While messaging has been an important aspect of Boko Haram’s outreach and communication, determining the intended audience has not always been clear. Initial messages were conducted primarily in Hausa, indicating a local Nigerian, and at best regional, audience.

By 2015, nearly 90% of productions contained messaging in Arabic, signaling a more globalised outreach. Messaging in English has occurred but not as consistently, while other languages like Kanuri, Fulfulde and French have been used only occasionally. Notably, however, the last two videos from Shekau’s faction, published over the past month, have contained snippets of both French and Kanuri.

Dissemination techniques have also broadened Boko Haram’s overall audience. By 2015 the group relied almost exclusively on social media to disseminate its propaganda (primarily Twitter, Telegram and YouTube). This further extended its reach.

Given the continued use of Hausa and messaging content that focuses on local dynamics, however, it is likely that Boko Haram’s intended audience has been broadened, rather than supplanted, by these shifting dynamics. While the impact of Boko Haram’s messaging is uncertain, the group’s continuing emphasis on disseminating its narrative publicly indicates that it must benefit them somehow.

Recruitment is ostensibly one reason to conduct such public awareness, and a key conclusion of the ISS report is that further research should be undertaken to investigate the links between Boko Haram messaging and prospective recruitment into the group.

Overall, Boko Haram messaging provides a window into a group that otherwise remains largely enigmatic and obscure. Messaging can expose important insights beyond simply serving as a propaganda tool. It should be closely monitored to track the strategy and drivers of violence behind this little-understood group.

Culled from DefenseWeb

When Cameroon’s English-speaking minority decided to challenge the government on several points, including marginalization and injustice, few were those who gave this movement a chance. To many, it was an endeavor in futility. Initially, government officials whose ministries were directly involved hastily took to the airwaves to condemn those who had dared to express the pain and frustration the English-speaking minority has lived for over five decades. They kept on stressing that there was no Anglophone problem and their denial only went a long way in escalating matters, as almost all Anglophones joined the strike that had been triggered by common law lawyers and teachers who were simply calling for better working conditions in the Anglophone zone.

As the crisis deepened and the international community started paying attention, the same ministers – Laurent Esso, Fame Ndongo and Issa Chiroma – reluctantly accepted that there was an Anglophone problem which they simply did not understand and that efforts would be made to address the issues raised by the striking Anglophones. Nowhere else can such abysmal ignorance and dishonesty be tolerated except in Cameroon where simple virtues such as humility, honesty and simplicity have vanished into thin air.  In civilized countries, these ministers, including Paul Atanga Nji who wanted to show that he could bring every Anglophone under his control, could have been cut out of the cabinet to prove that the taxpayer matters and that government officials are servants and not masters.

The lawyers’ strike and the others that ensued could have been dealt with through sincere dialogue if the country had been blessed with leaders with the right mindset. The issue snowballed because of the arrogance and condescending attitude of the government ministers involved. Many people have lost their lives and Anglophones are no longer patriotic as they used to be. Cameroon to many of them, represents a past that is full of pain and regrets. The reign of terror that has been unleashed on them has made it hard for reconciliation and dialogue to take place and this is weakening the country’s anemic economy. Jobs have been lost as a result of the disconnection of the Internet and the school year has been interrupted, with many students living a life of uncertainty. Courts have been closed down for more than four months and real criminals are having a field day, with security officers sometimes aiding and abetting these men of the underworld. With security forces arbitrarily arresting and, sometimes, even killing innocent people, many Anglophones are today fleeing to Nigeria for safety.

While Cameroon is repatriating Nigerian refugees who escaped to northern Cameroon due to Boko Haram’s ferocious brutality, Nigeria, for its part, is now receiving thousands of Cameroonians who are fleeing the reign of terror that their own government has unleashed on them. Anglophone Cameroonians are clearly calling on the international community to protect them against their own protector. The tales of agony coming out of the North West and South West regions are horrifying and if the international community does not stop playing possum, a country that was once the pride of the continent will go down the unfortunate path of an armed conflict, as many Anglophone groups operating out of the country are already looking for ways to protect their people and some extremists are carefully making the notion of secession to be very attractive.

As time goes by, both parties have maintained their positions and tempers have continued to flare, especially as the government’s deafening silence is being interpreted by many Anglophones as the government’s contempt for them. Cameroon does not need to be in the spotlight for all the wrong reasons. The government can address many issues raised by the Anglophone minority and once that goodwill is displayed by the government, tempers will be calmed down and discussions on the future of the country can beginin earnest.

However, the government has begun displaying some goodwill, though some people argue that it is doing too much, too late. The minister of justice, Laurent Esso, seems to be handing an olive branch to the Anglophone minority. He announced on Thursday, March 30, 2017, measures the government had taken to address some of the issues raised by Anglophone lawyers. The government’s actions may be considered as baby steps that may not totally satisfy frustrated Anglophones who hold that the government cannot be trusted, but they are steps in the right direction. These steps could be the government’s way of expressing its desire to see the country back on track. These steps could constitute an olive branch that should be taken by Anglophones in order to defuse the unfortunate situation that has brought shame and disrespect to Cameroon, a country once touted as an oasis of peace in a sub-region noted for chaos and bloodshed. While Anglophones may point to several promises made by the government that have never been kept and the manipulation which is the government’s stock in trade, Anglophones must understand that in a conflict, each party must make concessions.

In this situation, the government will have to make more concessions. Its ministers are clearly to blame for the escalation of a situation that started as a peaceful demonstration. It must bend over backwards to please the Anglophone minority that has been living in agony for many decades. You never tell a hurting person that he is not hurting. It must understand that for real and meaningful discussions to take place, Anglophone leaders who are currently in jail must be released. There are no individuals out there who have the people’s mandate to enter into any negotiations with the government. The government should make this concession and should also restore Internet connection if it really wants to redeem this academic year which will remain a scar on the government’s conscience.

However, while government efforts to defuse the unfortunate situation playing out in Cameroon may not bring satisfaction to some Anglophones who want nothing short of a federation, it is worth pointing out that some of the ideas expressed by Anglophone leaders who are languishing in jail are being used and implemented by the same government authorities who have branded Anglophone leaders as terrorists. This is indeed stranger than fiction, but that is Cameroon. Today, the government has decided to create a special section in the National School of Administration and Magistracy (ENAM)for Anglophones where Anglophone magistrates will be trained to make up for the shortage of Anglophone magistrates and administrative officers. Similarly, there will be an Anglophone bench at the Supreme Court in Yaounde. These are ideas that had been proposed by Cameroon’s common lawyers who are today being robbed of their right to freedom. It is indeed ironic that ideas from people tagged as terrorists are being implemented while the authors of these ideas are awaiting trial.

In the same vein, a national bilingualism and multiculturalism commission has been created to help address some of the linguistic issues that have constituted a bone of contention between Anglophones and the Francophone political elite. Unfortunately, this commission which is dressed in political garb, will only play an advisory role; something that has left doubts in many critical minds regarding the achievement of the lofty goals assigned to this august body. Though modeled on the Canadian language commission which is a disciplinary body, Cameroon’s bilingualism commission is right from its inception dogged by controversy given that it is led by a ruling party stalwart, Peter Mafany Musonge, who has been indicted by the public for spreading xenophobia. Also, the vice-chairperson of this commission cannot even make a full sentence in English. It is indeed hard for many Cameroonians – both Anglophones and Francophones – to figure out how such a person will promote bilingualism, especially in the current context characterized by conflict and frustrations.

Though government actions may not be convincing, they however go a long way to proving that efforts by Anglophones are not a vain endeavor. The resolution of the current Anglophone crisis may not bring total satisfaction to many West Cameroonians who are calling for an independent Southern Cameroons. However, there is one thing that it has highlighted – Cameroon will never be the same again. Anglophones will never again be taken for granted. Their unity of purpose during this crisis has sent a very strong message to the government – if sincere and honest actions are not taken to deal with these issues that have lingered for more than five decades, the Anglophone minority might go its way, taking with it about 60% of the country’s wealth.

The country’s oil fields are located in the South-West region and this region has been complaining of marginalization regarding the sharing of the country’s oil wealth. Cameroon is among the few countries in the world where the principle of derivation does not exist when it comes to managing natural resources. The country’s lone refinery, SONARA, is located in the Anglophone coastal city of Limbe, but 95% of its employees are Francophones who have been treating the South-Westerner with contempt. No Anglophone has ever been the Managing Director of this company even when many of them are qualified. The government will have to look into this matter if it does not want to have another hot potato on its hands. Putting off the resolution of this matter is like downloading responsibilities onto future generations. This injustice has been there for decades, it needs to be addressed within the context of the Anglophone crisis to ensure that the country does not go through another period of turbulence. He who needs peace must practice justice. The absence of justice creates conflict and compromises a country’s unity. The way forward is clear. The government should not only limit itself to the grievances put forth by lawyers and teachers. It should also take a long and hard look at the injustice Anglophones have suffered over the last five decades so as to find lasting solutions that will inspire peace and unity. Rather than chase the messenger all over the place, the government should take a look at the messages on the wall to preempt another “Anglophone autumn” in Cameroon.

Times have changed and old ways will not always work. The world has become a global village and the advent of new technologies has thrown up brand new opportunities for global citizens, thereby reducing the control governments had over their people. Denying the existence of some of these issues is like setting the stage for the next Anglophone crisis. Prevention has always been and will always be the ideal strategy for the wise. Anglophones have pointed the government in the right direction, albeit in unfortunate circumstances, but if the government follows the arrows, it will spare Cameroonians the pain of political conflict.

 Dr. Joachim Arrey

Cameroon Concord News Group

About the Author:The author of this piece is a keen observer of Cameroon’s political and economic landscape. He has published extensively on the country’s political and economic development, especially in the early 90s when the wind of change was blowing across the continent. He has served as a translator, technical writer, journalist and editor for several international organizations and corporations across the globe. He studied communication at the University of Leicester in the United Kingdom and technical writing in George Brown College, Toronto, Canada. He is also a trained translator and holds a Ph.D.

The crisis in Southern Cameroons has finally exposed the SDF Chairman Ni John Fru Ndi as a collaborator and not an opposition to the Biya Francophone Beti Ewondo regime. The SDF leadership held a National Executive Committee meeting in Yaoundé to demonstrate to their French donors that the party is against secession.  The barons of the SDF party launched a fierce attack on the credibility of Hon. Joseph Wirba calling him a reckless and tackle Member of Parliament.  Fru Ndi further pointed out that Wirba acted out of the party’s rules and regulations.

The SDF National Executive Committee meeting came out virtually with nothing than the simple fact that Fru Ndi’s authority was fast draining away even among his own people. We of this publication think Ni John Fru, Joseph Mbah Ndam and the other NEC members are playing the Francophone card and are trying to benefit from the Southern Cameroons revolution. The recent SDF stand on Hon. Joseph Wirba only confirmed that Fru Ndi and his acolytes should go and go now.

When we of the Cameroon Concord News Group look along the SDF front liners and we see Hon. Joseph Mbah Ndam, we wonder if he is aware of the killings and abductions going on in his home constituency or if he is thinking about the current militarization of Bamenda or is he wondering about his private investments in La Republique du Cameroun if an independent state of Southern Cameroons becomes a reality in the months ahead?

We think about Hon. Josuah Osih who should be concerned with the current problems facing businesses in Southern Cameroons after the shutdown of internet services but notice he is wondering whether he will continue to have lucrative CPDM government contracts when Southern Cameroons is freed.

The fact is that Southern Cameroonians have got long-term challenges and we need a long-term political strategy not the SDF’s short-term collaboration with Biya to deal with those challenges. We are standing by our earlier comments that all Anglophone MPs be they from the SDF or the ruling CPDM crime syndicate should stand down from the National Assembly in French Cameroun for the good of all Southern Cameroonians. Cameroon Concord News Group meant that sincerely. And this week SDF NEC meeting only confirms what we said.

Southern Cameroonians are utterly confused because they pay their taxes but they see everything including the health service potentially shrinking instead of growing. Fru Ndi and his gang need to admit to the mistakes that have been made by the SDF. There has been mismanagement of good political opportunities by the SDF and that has created so many deficits in Southern Cameroons. The Southern Cameroons uprising and the unity of the North West and the South West people are not about better jobs and top pay or health care and other financial imperatives. It is about an INDEPENDENT STATE OF SOUTHERN CAMEROONS.

By Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai

Cameroon Concord News Group

It is only five months since the unfortunate drama between the government and the Anglophone minority has been playing out and the adverse consequences are already far-reaching. When it all started, not many people thought it would last for more than a week, but five months after, the government is yet to reestablish its authority in the English-speaking part of Cameroon. On the surface, it looks like a simple game, but when you scratch beyond the surface, the true cost of the conflict hits you like a ton of bricks. Government authority has been challenged in the Anglophone region and in places like Akwaya, one of the most impoverished sub-divisions of the country, the Nigerian flag is joyously flying above many government buildings. Administrative officers in Akwaya have been fired by the people and government offices have either been burnt or come under attack by irate youths. The people of Akwaya are clearly demonstrating their anger against a government they claim has neglected them for more than five decades and, to make matters worse, it has arrested one of their prominent sons, Justice Paul Ayah.

In Eyumojock, the youths are clearly advising government officials of the end of their era. Last Friday, members of the ruling party were attacked by youths who hold that the ruling party has overstayed its welcome in West Cameroon following the outlawing of the Consortium. Many of the party officials had to flee the ceremonial grounds where they had planned to celebrate the thirty-second anniversary of their party, living behind their cars when stone-throwing youths invaded the venue of the event. From the actions playing out in West Cameroon, it is obvious that the ruling party has died a natural death. Many Anglophones are already asking ruling party parliamentarians in the Anglophone zone to start looking for new jobs as they will have to face the wrath of West Cameroonians in the 2018 parliamentary elections.

However, it is the killing of many innocent Anglophones during the strikes and demonstrations that is hard to swallow. Many Anglophones were brought down by the bullets of the forces of law and order and many more have died in detention either due to poor detention conditions or torture by some overzealous elements who erroneously hold that the country belongs to them and any attempt to challenge their God-given right must meet with a stiff response. This is even one of the issues that is making genuine dialogue almost impossible, as the government cannot confidently account for all those who have been arrested. Information from government sources which have elected to be anonymous alleges that some of those arrested have been tortured to death and they claim to know where these victims have been buried in mass graves.

They have expressed their willingness to expose some of these human rights abuses when the right time comes – that is, if it will ever come. Some terrifying videos and pictures are already online and this explains, in part, why the government has rolled back the Anglophone region into the Dark Ages by disconnecting the Internet. Stories of gruesome arrests have been making the rounds, alleging that some people have been arrested while alone and nobody is aware of their whereabouts. It will be hard to actually account for all those who have disappeared and many government officials have been working hard and long to ensure that the issue of those who have died or disappeared never gets included in the agenda of any dialogue whenever both parties agree to meet to thrash out their differences regarding the disaster that is still playing out in Cameroon; a disaster that has caused the country’s economy to be caught in a downward spiral.

However, the Anglophone minority holds that it has incontrovertible evidence in that regard and that those responsible for such abuses will be taken to the International Criminal Court where they could spend a long time reflecting on their atrocities; an idea that is causing many government officials to lose sleep and appetite. Their determination to take government officials to The Hague is being supported by prominent African and International human rights lawyers who are keeping a close eye on the situation and are documenting abuses committed by both sides.

Besides the killings that many Anglophones consider as worrisome, the country’s image has taken a serious beating. Cameroon has always been considered around the world as a peaceful country in a tough neighborhood. While many countries in the Central African sub-region have known either a civil war or a Coup d’état, Cameroon has, over the last fifty-six years, been enjoying some relative peace. Though many consider the peace as unsettling because of the lack of genuine human rights and freedoms, the country’s government has successfully packaged the country as an oasis of peace in a desert of chaos, an image that has been bought by many investors and diplomats across the globe. But this image has suddenly vanished following the brutality government troops unleashed on Anglophone lawyers when they took to the streets to call for better working conditions and a return to a federal system of government that will guarantee the interest of the Anglophone minority in Cameroon. Today, Barrister Felix Agbor Balla, Dr. Fontem Neba and Justice Paul Ayah have been robbed of their freedom for calling for a federal system of government; a request that has caused the country’s government to lose sleep and control of itself. Scenes like these are hurting the country’s image and scaring investors who are averse to uncertainty.

The country’s economy that was already on the ropes prior to the advent of the Anglophone crisis, has taken a dangerous nosedive. Poor policies and mismanagement over the last decades have sapped the country’s economy of its vitality. Corruption and embezzlement have caused many state-owned enterprises to collapse and, currently, many former ministers and corporate executives are languishing in jail for robbing the people of their scarce resources. But this situation has been made worse by the crisis, especially in the English-speaking part of the country, where ghost towns are respected to the letter and the disconnection of the Internet has caused many start-ups to either shut down operations or relocate to where they can do business, albeit at exorbitant costs.

Banks and money transfer agencies are struggling to stay afloat, but the longer the Internet disconnection persists, the greater their pain. To cushion the impact of the government’s ill-informed decision to disconnect the Internet, a tool that is vital for their operation, financial institutions and software companies have laid off many employees, pushing up the country’s unemployment rate to levels never witnessed before. The situation is very disturbing and it has already served as a death sentence to many small- and medium-sized enterprises. With students not going to school and many Cameroonians facing an uncertain future, the country’s crime rate is gradually heading for the sky. In a country where there is no welfare and universal health coverage, death toll from preventable and curable diseases will surely reach alarming rates, especially in West Cameroon where many people have lost their jobs and sources of revenue.Though members of the Diaspora are reaching out financially to their family members for medical reasons, the country’s medical facilities still leave much to be desired. They are, at best, consultation clinics and, at worst,mortuaries for many Cameroonians who lack the resources to seek better healthcare abroad.

Also, one of the major costs that will be borne by the country as a result of this conflict is the academic year that has been messed up by the striking Anglophones. From the look of things, the 2016-2017 academic year is over and it is likely that end-of-year examinations will not take place. The entire Anglophone educational sub-system is in total chaos and pulling the system out of this pretty mess will take a lot of hard work and determination. Schools have been closed for more than four months. The strike is still in effect and there is no end in sight, as the government is not willing to make any concessions and the Diaspora that is running the show remotely is not yielding an inch of its acquired territory to a government that is wont to speaking from both sides of its mouth.

Though the country’s officials have rolled out plans to make up for the lost time, it will be challenging to play catch-up in an environment of conflict and mistrust. Students of the Anglophone educational sub-system and their parents must have to pray long and hard for this unfortunate situation to be laid to rest. Staying at home could be boring, but losing an entire academic year could be really unsettling, especially as many parents are out of work and the economy is in a tailspin.

If this unfortunate situation has to be a thing of the past, both the government and striking Anglophones have to make big concessions. The government has to listen to the people who have clearly stated that for any talks to take place, their leaders, the only people mandated to represent them in any discussions, and fellow Anglophones who are currently being detained in Yaounde must be released. The Internet, a great research tool,must be restored and the arbitrary arrests that have become a daily occurrence must also stop. They insist that federalism must be on the agenda of any discussion with the government. The striking Anglophones are calling for a better Anglophone educational sub-system and an Anglophone section at the Supreme Court.

The government, for its part, has expressed its willingness to dialogue, but insists that the form of the state is not up for discussion. It considers those in jail as terrorists who must be dealt with according to the law. This appears to be a sticking point and neither the government nor the striking Anglophones are willing to make concessions. As both parties stick to their guns, they must understand that the country is suffering as a result of the conflict. They must remember that students want to go to school, but they want to attend classes in a demilitarized and learning-friendly environment. Similarly, in this battle of the wills and egos, both parties must bear in mind that the true winner will be Cameroon, as a better country will emerge from the ashes of the old country that had been designed without the people’s interest at heart.

Dr. Joachim Arrey

Contributing Editor

Cameroon Concord News Group

About the Author: The author of this piece is a keen observer of Cameroon’s political and economic landscape. He has published extensively on the country’s political and economic development, especially in the early 90s when the wind of change was blowing across the continent. He has served as a translator, technical writer, journalist and editor for several international organizations and corporations across the globe. He studied communication at the University of Leicester in the United Kingdom and technical writing in George Brown College, Toronto, Canada. He is also a trained translator and holds a Ph.D.

The trial of the Chairman and other leaders of the Cameroon Anglophone Civil Society Consortium which will resume today in a military tribunal in Yaoundé remains a conspiracy by the Francophone apartheid police apparatus to stifle the Southern Cameroons revolution and to continue with the marginalization of the Anglophones in Cameroon. The Biya Francophone Beti Ewondo regime has assembled a sea of witnesses backed by Francophone security agents who know how to set Anglophones up and pressurized them into giving false statements and forced to lie under oath by police with hidden political agendas.

Some four months ago, the Cameroon Anglophone Civil Society Consortium picked Barrister Agbor Nkongho to champion the case for federalism and the plight of the Anglophone communities in a country run by a consortium of criminal gangs. Barrister Agbor Balla also uncovered a plot to kill the Common Law and the Anglo Saxon educational system by a CPDM group of Francophone political elites based in Yaoundé. The Francophone regime has cracked down on Anglophone activists and the Chairman of the Cameroon Anglophone Civil Society Consortium including his top aides are now on trial in a Francophone military court for what the Yaoundé regime described as malicious acts of terrorism.

The Francophone regime has gone to extreme lengths and humiliated Southern Cameroonians. An Anglophone Supreme Court Judge, Lord Justice Paul Ayah Abine was arrested and detained like a common criminal. Hundreds of Southern Cameroonian youths have been abducted and are currently suffering in detention centers in French Cameroun. Universities female students have been raped and some infected with HIV. An Anglophone opposition MP, Hon. Joseph Wirba has been forced to flee for his life. Dozens of West Cameroonians have been killed in Buea, Kumba, Bamenda, Jakiri and Kumbo.

The leaders of the Cameroon Anglophone Civil Society Consortium have nothing to hide‚ so if there were allegations by all means, a commission would have investigated the Anglophone crisis not a military tribunal. The Francophone judges handling the current Anglophone cases are similar to those who sent former Anglophone Prime Minister Chief Ephraim Inoni to jail for privately informing a French ambassador that he was capable of running the country. These Francophone judges cannot be trusted. Pressure is now being put on Barrister Akere Muna by the regime for his support for the rule of law in a so-called bilingual Cameroon.

As was the case with Chief Inoni and Forjindam, witnesses will be made to lie under oath. That is where the malice comes in and supports the case for an independent Southern Cameroons state. We of this publication understands  that affidavits used in the Barrister Agbor Nkongho and Dr Fontem prosecution were “helped”‚ and that the decision to prosecute the Anglophone leaders did not come from the national directorate of public prosecutions‚ but that Francophone political elites played a serious role in the decision. Biya and his Francophone Beti Ewondo regime need a fight!! They will get one!!

By Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai