Younger journalists seeing these two veterans on the same platform would take or mistake them for peers. Right and wrong! Ok, they are both veterans, from (an)other generation(s) of Radio Cameroon, now CRTV, the state-run broadcaster. At least, they both belong to a past – a distant past to some – hardly known by most of the generation now manning our media landscape. They are both veterans. But who appears to be some veteran’s peer could actually be their own veteran. Nearly as much as Victor Epie’Ngome is babying many of the younger generation of journalists, Gideon Taka babied Epie’Ngome and co into the profession.

“He recruited me into Radio Cameroon,” says Epie’Ngome as Taka, 81, walks into the room for a meeting of judges for the Courage In Journalism Awards (CIJA). They both chatter over memories of the good old days. They recall the recruitment tests in those days when mastery of the English language (written and oral), general knowledge and voice quality were conditions sine-qua-non for becoming a broadcaster. They reminisce over the rigours of on-the-job training of yore, a far-cry from today, when kids in a hurry are on the air “starring” before they have learned the ropes of the tricky profession or before they have written a correct sentence. Many being one-eyed men in the country of the blind or lame ducks “winning by forfeiture”, they become resource persons in broadcasting even before they have known the difference between uni-, bi- and omni-directional microphones. That is if they ever get to know.

NO COMPROMISE ON VALUES

The gloom that beclouds the countenance of the two vets, suggests they are nostalgic of the good-old-days, regretting the present-day open-door policy or “let-my-people-go” that has opened the floodgates to all-comers and compromised the quality of journalism, especially broadcasting. They seem to be bemoaning a new order that raises a platform for a new breed who are neither groomed nor mentored except, perhaps by godfathers who offer undeserved favours, not professional nurturing. They are glorified in their lapses – not to say their mediocrity – and pampered by another kind of mentors who go soft with their kind of mentees for purposes other than for journalism. Not Taka, not Epie’Ngome!

The two vets talk about how Taka, a pioneer of bilingual Radio Yaounde (later National Station of Radio Cameroon, now the radio arm of CRTV) was on the panel that recruited the young Epie’Ngome alongside among others, MeumaMeombo (RIP), NgyetikoMusi and Willy Chindo in 1976, over a decade after Taka’s own debut there in 1963-64. Taka was among the first crop of former Southern Cameroonians recruited “en mass” to give the hitherto all-French Radio Yaounde a reflection of bilingual Cameroon, those early years after the Reunification of 1961. His batch-mates included Francis Wete, former CRTV deputy GM, who was also his classmate in CPC Bali like Peter Esoka who joined them at the radio years later. Taka often points out they were only classmates, not age-mates. The man who is arguably doyen of the Anglophone press corps says he was much older than his classmates.

Nor have he and Epie’Ngome been a two-some of any kind. But they both became the breed of journalists who found the best of Radio Cameroon practice was in Cameroon Report, now CRTV’s Cameroon Calling (CC). They each anchored the programme and were among a handful of iconic journalists emeritus invited by CRTV last year to showcase its golden age. Answering the call, Epie’Ngome reenacted his personal trademark satirical radio slot The Rambler and Taka stunned listeners with his masterly presentation of the news, two-and-a-half decades since he last did.

BACKGROUND

An accomplished, medal winning athlete in his school days, Taka retired from CRTV in the mid-1990s after serving as Station Manager in Buea and Provincial Delegate for Information and Culture in Bamenda. His innovation when he anchored Cameroon Report was, he modified it from an initial one-man show as conceived by its founder Boniface Forbin with one long Editorial often on international issues. Taka began Cameroon Report’s drift to its present format with an opening Editorial (now My Take as coined by its present anchor Ebenezer WinnyanwokoMotale), and several contributions.

Epie’Ngome, an agric officer before journalism, took his retirement in the last decade from the Ministry of Communication after serving Radio Cameroon/CRTV in Yaounde, Douala and back in Yaounde, where he became Editor-in-Chief and Cameroon Calling anchor in 1990. In between, he honed his journalism trade asBBC stringer and later BBC producer at its Bush House headquarters in London. In his break from journalism in the early 1980s he did corporate communication for Cameroon Shipping Lines (CamShip). On CC, he was among those detained for producing the “rebellious” pro-multipartyism edition of May 6, 1990.

In his lifelong obsession for fine language and choice words, Epie’Ngome also ran the TV word game show Tel-a-Word. He has used his extraordinary language finesse outside journalism in writing poems and plays, most notably What God Has Put Asunder that depicts the incompatibilities between former French Cameroun and former British Southern Cameroon. He also has an unequalled knack and flare for music and an unusual mastery of information technologies for someone of his generation.

RETIRED BUT NOT TIRED

Can the dictum “retired but not tired” be truer of anyone than of Gideon Taka and Victor Epie’Ngome? Even as you read this, they both are most probably at work, preparing or executing a professional or related duty. A quarter of a century into retirement, Taka could be more busy and multi-tasking than mid-career journalists. He is Manager of Radio Hot Cocoa in Bamenda and, armed with a Master’s degree obtained in Canada in the 1960s, he lectures Journalism at three higher education institutions in Bamenda – Higher Institute for Business and Management Studies (HIBUMS) where he is Head of Department, Cameroon Christian University and the University of Bamenda. He was Journalism HOD at the National Polytechnic earlier. Overly committed to things journalism, he is the oldest active member of the Cameroon Association of English Speaking Journalists (CAMASEJ) North West chapter. He attends meetings and mingles easily with baby journalists in ways that give a feel of unassuming Methusela among Benjamins.

Epie’Ngome has taught Journalism both at ASMAC where he trained in 1977-80 and the University of Buea and continues to train journalists. Only months ago, he and Professor Daniel Anicet Noah, also a former CRTV editor, were invited by CRTV management to go around the country drilling its regional station reporters.

Both Taka and Epie’Ngome are most disposed to volunteer their wealth of knowledge, skills and experiences in ventures that promote the extra-curricular development of younger talents. When feminist journalist CommyMussa launched her Sisterspeak writing competition a couple of years back, Gideon Taka was handy to midwife it.

He and Epie’Ngome have also readily been available in peer review initiatives by MEDIApeople newspaper and CReAM to arbitrate in media conflicts (professional tribunals of honour) like the one that erupted after Father George Nkeze disclaimed his comments about the Kumba Diocese bishop appointment reported in The Sun newspaper and called the newspaper and its reporter names. They are as disposed in judging the performance of journalists for the Courage In Journalism Awards (CIJA). They do so with rare rigour, meticulousness, integrity and dedication though only as volunteers. Not as if this listing is exhaustive.

It may not be said with any certainty that other veterans are not being useful to journalism and usefully mentoring younger colleagues, yet, can one pretend not to notice that these two are a breed apart? Who cannot tell that they are around for calls higher than to recruit unsuspecting younger colleagues for ventures that benefit only the vested interests of Monster-Mentors? You don’t hear their names mentioned in petty gossips that poison the ranks of younger colleagues who ought to be striving for excellence, not doing dirty jobs. They do not act like they own oxygen and can only lend a bit, in measured doses (as a dirty job fee), to younger colleagues. Talk of professional advancement, you see Taka and Epie’Ngome around.

A journalist keeping the company of these two is receiving two layers of rich mentorship – mentorship of mentorship, so to say. They receive from Epie’Ngome fruits of the mentorship he received from Taka. That can’t be nothing, can it? And if such mentees have any personal qualities of their own, tell me what can beat well-groomed inherent qualities? Well, if such younger journalists are in journalism for journalism’s sake, that is.

The author, Franklin Sone Bayen, can be reached at: frankbayen@gmail.com or (237) 677-897-167 / 693-693-881. He is publisher of MEDIApeople newspaper, founder of CReAM, and conceiver and administrative secretary of the Courage In Journalism Awards (CIJA)

SOBA UK Press Statement No. 3

12^th July, 2018

Fellow Sobans,

SOBA UK wishes to confirm that the recent elections organised by the UK Splinter group members instructed by Professor Ephraim Ngwafor in Cameroon had nothing to do with the legitimate SOBA UK entity that has been operating for the past 48 years in the United Kingdom.

We also wish to confirm that no registered members of SOBA UK (over 80 strong members) took part in these elections following;

1. the General Assembly resolution of the 24th of February 2018 to reject calls for such elections from overseas, which undermine the integrity and autonomy of SOBA UK
2. the failure to uphold the provisions set out in Article 28 of the SOBA UK Constitution which stipulates the requirements for voters and candidates in any legitimate elections in SOBA UK

Therefore, the outcome of the elections organised by the Splinter group and under the unprecedented orders of an overseas person(s) has no UK constitutional backing. SOBA UK is confirming that these recent elections and Professor Ephraim Ngwafor’s dubious endorsement of the results as a means to rebuild his own shattered legitimacy in SOBA is null and void. We have noted that Professor Ephraim Ngwafor’s legitimacy as president general ended on 4^th March 2018 when a Revival General Assembly held as a result of his failure to hold a general assembly meeting in 4 years or to render financial accountability and other issues raised. These issues remain unresolved to date.

SOBA UK is advising members of the public and Sobans worldwide to disregard any individuals purporting to be the Executive of SOBA UK who are not listed herein. For the avoidance of doubt, we confirm that SOBA UK’s Executive remains as follows:

Ayuk Akoh-Arrey -President

Bime Lafon -Vice President

John Bawak- Secretary General

Babangida Usamatu- Assistant SecretaryGeneral

BateyTako- Financial Secretary

Dennis Angafor- Assistant Financial Secretary

Franklin Egbe – Executive Treasurer

The SOBA UK Executive wishes to clarify that the SOBA UK programme for the rest of 2018 continues as planned.  The SOBA UK Events team are delighted to announce that the Annual Residential Convention will be held on 21st to 23rd September 2018 at one of Britain’s most prestigious venues. The next SOBA UK General Assembly meeting will be held on Saturday 22nd September 2018 from 10am. The formal launch of the Convention and full details will be announced shortly. We are very mindful of the Anglophone crisis in Cameroon which has led to the displacement of hundreds of thousands of Anglophones and significant loss of lives, as well as the worsening situation. This is a theme that will be picked up at this year’s convention.

Over the past 5 years the SOBA UK Conventions have been well attended by many Cameroonian families in the UK as well as for those looking to network with the Cameroonian community. SOBA UK enjoys significant goodwill support from our community for what we are, the examples we set and the opportunities that we bring to the community. There is also a symbiotic relationship between SOBA UK and other alumni groups in the UK. For example, registered members of SOBA UK made a contribution of £2,300 on 5^th May 2018 to OPSA UK at their annual convention to support their “Education of a Girl” programme. This level of support to another alumni group shows the goodwill of our members which can be harnessed for the education of our children in Cameroon.

A key part of what we do is to collaborate and empower Sobans around the world. In the last 12 months alone SOBA UK has been represented by our president Mr Ayuk Akoh-Arrey (FIA) and other members to conventions at SOBA America, SOBA Foundation (in Germany), and SOBA Ireland. Also, in the past 4 out of 5 years SOBA UK has been represented at SOBA America conventions including at Montreal Canada in 2015. In 2014 SOBA UK made a contribution of £2,600 to support the 75^th Anniversary celebrations in Cameroon and many members attended the event at St Joseph’s College, Sasse.

The alma mater, St Joseph’s College Sasse remains dear to Sobans in the UK and that is why the Sasse Sick Bay project was initiated and implemented by SOBA UK with nearly £18,000 spent from the coffers of SOBA UK. An MOU was put in place in December of 2014 between SOBA UK and the Bishop of the Diocese of Buea, which would have allowed significant funds tobe injected to complete the projectbut was sabotaged by Professor Ephraim Ngwafor. In 2016, the SOBA UK General Assembly regrettably voted to withdraw from the Sickbay project, which has since then collapsed with Professor Ngwafor failing to either show the merits of his actions on the MOU or complete the project. SOBA UK remains open to showing goodwill to the alma mater.

In respect of our UK membership, SOBA UK continues to lead the way in terms of what our fraternity should be about. In the last 15 months alone 7 of our registered members lost a parent in an unprecedented spate of losses never seen before in the history of SOBA UK. Thankfully, the goodwill of our members and the association enabled significant financial support of over £14,000 to be provided to those bereaved, as well as emotional support.The strength and diligence of what we have built in SOBA UK has seen us through such a difficult year and may the souls of those who have departed rest in peace.

Kind regards,

Mr John Bawak

SG SOBA UK

On behalf of the Executive Team

Counter Signed

Mr Ayuk Akoh-Arrey,

President SOBA UK

Press Statement: Update on Decisive Action(s) taken against the splinter group of SOBA UK

Fellow Sobans,   On 24th February 2018, the members of the SOBA UK General Assembly convened and voted unanimously to:

a) reject calls for fresh elections in the UK by SOBA General in Cameroon and,

b) take necessary actions to redress any infringement of the SOBA UK trade marks.

We repeat that SOBA UK has for some time now been the subject of sustained attack from the activities of members of the splinter group purporting to be SOBA UK, which is a clear infringement of our intellectual property and disregard for the already well established association in the United Kingdom.

Exactly two weeks ago on 8th June 2018 we informed you that the Executive of SOBA UK had commenced decisive action against certain individuals of the splinter group. We outlined specific activities that demonstrated bad faith, opportunism and collusion with key elements of SOBA General in Cameroon, notably Prof Ephraim Ngwafor and Mr Ebot Mfoataw to undermine the SOBA UK General Assembly of registered members.

The actions initiated so far are focused on recovering intellectual property that belongs to SOBA UK in an attempt to resolve the confusing situation amongst members of the public of the splinter group also calling themselves SOBA UK instead of using an alternative name and freely associating as they see fit.    The said individuals of the splinter group were contacted by our legal representative and given a period of two weeks to return SOBA UK’s intellectual property and to stop purporting to be SOBA UK. We regret to inform you that our legal representative informed us at close of play Friday 22nd June, 2018 that these individuals had failed to meet the requirements of our requests.    Instead of doing everything possible to remove themselves from what is a very serious and urgent situation, the said individuals provided a lengthy and misleading write-up that did not address the specifics of what they had been accused of. Furthermore, the write-up shows deep collusion between the splinter group and Prof. Ephraim Ngwafor and the dubious plan to attempt to usurp the legitimate association of SOBA UK members. We have taken the exceptional step of publishing the write-up so that this collusion can be evidenced to our membership.

From the write-up provided, extracts of SOBA General constitution (separate from the SOBA UK constitution) amended by Professor Ephraim Ngwafor show material changes to the 2018 SOBA Constitution that could in theory affect all Soban groups worldwide. These most recent changes have been made without due consultation or ratification from the SOBA UK General Assembly. It is obvious that these changes have been done in an effort to prop up the splinter group in the UK and seek control of SOBA UK and its assets, both financial and otherwise. Specifically, amending the constitution to create the so called SOBA General Council that gives it powers to dissolve any elected Executive of SOBA anywhere in the world and appoint an election commission and its members, is a gross abuse of the goodwill of Sobans to freely associate around the world.

On behalf of our registered members in the UK, considering no ratification of such dubious constitutional changes, the nonpayment of any registration into SOBA in Cameroon, our obligations from the SOBA UK Constitution, the SOBA UK General Assembly, our ownership of UK trademarks and autonomy, we are making it clear that these constitutional changes by Prof Ephraim Ngwafor in SOBA are null and void, and will not stand the scrutiny of any court in the UK.

On the intellectual property in the UK, we the members of SOBA UK, live in the UK, freely and voluntarily associate and do business in the UK and own the intellectual property in the UK in order to protect SOBA UK and avoid confusion in the public and abuse of our UK brand name. The process of achieving a trade mark was not taken lightly by us or by the UK Intellectual Property Office (IPO). For a legitimate group that had demonstrated hard-work, track record of operating and doing its business over many years in the United Kingdom, the evidence was and continues to be available in abundance for the award of our trade marks in the UK. Our trademarks have been evidenced by certificates and TM numbers which are made available to anyone who wishes to verify online. Those who believe they can challenge these facts with their alternative version of doing business in the UK are more than welcomed to do so. Our members however, remain very confident of their standing and brand name in the UK.

There has been a narrative provided by Prof Ephraim Ngwafor that his firm has achieved trade marks for SOBA with the African Intellectual Property Organisation (OAPI) but with no trade mark numbers or certificates provided. Whilst this does not strictly concern us in the UK, we have reasonable grounds to believe that no such trademarks have been achieved as of this date and this irresponsibly exposes SOBA in the African region. The OAPI is part of the World Intellectual Property Organisation (WIPO) and they follow the same standards of issuing trade mark evidences as the UK IPO. It is also worth noting that even with such a trade mark from OAPI it would not cover business undertaken outside the region and certainly not in the United Kingdom. Therefore these misleading statements about the intellectual property rights of SOBA UK are totally baseless and our members should remain very confident from many years participation in legitimate SOBA UK activities.

Finally, the failure of the said individuals of the splinter group to adhere to the deadline set by our legal representatives is regrettable because of the potential consequences to them of now pursuing these matters fully through the legal system. The various cases brought against the individuals by members of SOBA UK are founded on solid evidence. We strongly advice those concerned to consider the potential impact to their individual circumstances first and respond to the reasonable requests from our members.    We will keep you posted in the coming weeks, as we remain hopeful of achieving a reasonable conclusion to these matters.

Yours faithfully,

John Bawak

Secretary General SOBA UK

On behalf of Executive and Members of SOBA UK Signed:

On the 24th day of June 2018 United Kingdom.

It is a bright Tuesday morning, with children hawking goods to drivers and passersby on the congested streets of Yaounde. The number of these sidewalk sellers is increasing with the ongoing conflict in Cameroon’s English-speaking northwest and southwest regions, where fighting between armed separatists and government troops has shut down schools and sent thousands of children fleeing to safer ground.

Among the sidewalk peddlers is 16-year-old Delphine Tabe. She says she has been a hawker for more than a year since she fled from her village in Lebialem, an administrative unit in the southwest.

“I am selling boiled groundnuts to have money and help my mother who is in the hospital. She was beaten by Cameroon gendarmes after a military man was killed in our village. My mother almost died. Our school was burned and students were beaten. Since that day in May 2017, we escaped to Yaounde and we do not have money to go to school.”

Delphine says her chances of pursuing her dream – becoming a teacher – are gradually slipping away as she has no one to sponsor her education. Instead, she has to look for money to help her sick mother.

In the kitchen at the house where Delphine lives in Yaounde, food is being prepared for 32 people. Emmanuel Nembo, a 52-year old government worker originally from Lebialem, says that a year ago, he had only five mouths to feed.

The number exploded as people from the southwest fled their villages and pleaded for him to feed and shelter them.

Emmanuel says he is praying for the crisis to stop because many have been coming and he can no longer offer help.

“We are stretching an olive hand of peace. Those in the bush should give a chance. Come back home, to their homes so that they could meet their mothers, brothers and sisters,” he says.

Many schools have been closed in the northwest and southwest areas since November 2016, when lawyers and teachers began a strike to stop what they see as the overbearing use of French.

Separatists took over the movement, and began pushing for the regions to become independent.

Since then, several dozen schools have been torched, and armed men have kidnapped or killed a number of teachers. Many students in the regions can no longer attend the few schools that are still open, for fear of the unknown.

The United Nations estimates that more than 100,000 people, a majority of them children of school age, have fled the violence in the English-speaking regions for safer locations. Tens of thousands have crossed over to Nigeria, and no one knows when any of them will ever return to school.

Source: VOA

Tensions between English-speaking Cameroonians and the West-central African nation’s French-speaking government stretches back to end of colonial rule nearly 60 years ago. At the heart of the tension is Anglophones’ desire to form their own independent state, Ambazonia. In recent weeks there have been violent clashes and several protesters have been killed, reportedly by government security forces. The Conversation Africa asked Verkijika G. Fanso to explain what’s happening.

The animosity is actually between English-speaking Cameroonians and the government led and dominated by French-speaking Cameroonians. They have ruled the country in an authoritarian way since the unification of the two former United Nations trusteeship territories – French Cameroun and British Southern Cameroons – in 1961.

The current dispute is between the part of the country that was once run by the British, and the larger part where French is spoken and which was once run by the French. In 1972 the original federal structure that post-colonial unification was based on was abrogated. The English-speaking, or Anglophone, West Cameroon was annexed in a united republic, and in 1984 the word “united” was scrapped. The country became Cameroon and the English-speaking region was assimilated into the French-speaking area.

The dignity and statehood of Anglophones was silently destroyed – not by the French-speaking (Francophone) community at large, but by the government led and dominated by Francophones.

Being Anglophone or Francophone in Cameroon is not just the ability to speak, read and use English or French as a working language. It is about being exposed to the Anglophone or Francophone ways including things like outlook, culture and how local governments are run.

Anglophones have long complained that their language and culture are marginalised. They feel their judicial, educational and local government systems should be protected. They want an end to annexation and assimilation and more respect from the government for their language and political philosophies. And if that doesn’t happen, they want a total separation and their own independent state.

What’s the history of the call for an independent state?

On January 1 1960 French Cameroun gained independence and became Cameroun Republic. Later that year Nigeria gained its independence from Britain and became a Federal Republic. The British-controlled southern Cameroons was then separated from Nigeria and was due to achieve full independence on October 1 1961.

But there was a hitch: the United Nations organised a plebiscite in which southern Cameroonians were asked to chose between joining the Cameroun Republic or Nigeria. This vote was prompted by a British report that insisted its former territory would not survive economically on its own.

Southern Cameroonians wanted nothing more to do with Nigeria. They had suffered enormously at the hands of Igbo people who’d settled in their territory in previous decades. So they elected to unite in a new federation with Cameroun Republic. It was supposed to be a partnership of equals, a notion reinforced by bilateral negotiations that had started before the vote.

These negotiations were concluded at the Foumban Conference in July 1961. The general view after the conference was that the delegation from the Cameroun Republic, accompanied by French advisers, got virtually everything they wanted. The Anglophones, who received none of the support promised by the British or the UN, were effectively sidelined.

So the new federation was born, but it was never a happy union. The regions were centrally governed but neither of the two presidents since unification have spoken nor understood English. The incumbent, Paul Biya, reads English with difficulty.

Since then Anglophones have pushed for autonomy. This call is actually supported in a UN resolution passed in April 1961 that defines the joining of the two former territories as a federation of two states, equal in status and autonomous.

What’s prompted the latest violence?

In October 2016 lawyers went on a strike in an effort to force the government to stop appointing Francophone magistrates who spoke no English and had no training in common law to preside over courts in the Anglophone regions.

During peaceful demonstrations in the cities of Bamenda and Buea, the lawyers were roughly manhandled by government security forces.

Teachers soon came out in support of the lawyers. They wanted the government to stop posting Francophone teachers who spoke no English to teach subjects other than French in Anglophone schools. People across professions followed the teachers, and Cameroon’s cities became “ghost towns” everywhere on certain days of the week as part of a large-scale stay away.

Earlier this year government banned the trade unions that had led the strikes. Many of their members – some of whom were engaged in discussions with the government – were arrested and jailed on charges of terrorism and attempts to change the form of the state. The government also shut down internet and other communication services in Anglophone regions to stop people sharing information and organising.*

Shamed by international condemnation, President Biya reinstated communication services three months later. He also ordered the release of some strike leaders and scrapped the charges against them. But he didn’t call for a resumption of talks.

Anglophones were unimpressed. On October 1 they took to the streets to commemorate what they consider their independence day. They raised the flag of Ambazonia in various towns and cities. It was an assertion of autonomy. Government security forces were deployed and used excessive. Over the next few days a number of people were killed, some reports suggesting 17 others suggesting as many as 100.

Is there any chance of resolving this conflict?

Dialogue and diplomacy are foremost. Cameroon’s leadership must initiate or reinstate dialogue with those representing Anglophone interests. Failing this, the African Union or the UN – or both – should initiate dialogue.

Cameroon is being haunted by agreements that were never respected, from the Foumban Conference to the UN’s resolution regarding autonomy. These agreements must be revisited and respected if the crisis is to end.

Culled from The Conversation

MTN Cameroon has signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with the Ministry of Secondary Education (MINESEC) for the use of its mobile money system for the payment of school fees and related charges in Cameroonian secondary schools.

Parents will no longer have to move and spend hours in queues to pay their children’s school fees, but will be able to pay remotely through their mobile phone, at any time and from any location.

This will enhance transparency and traceability in the collection of fees by secondary schools. This will enable the Ministry of Secondary Education to improve the quality of services provided to the Educative Community.

Source: Telecompaper

One of the things imperial Cameroon brandishes to the world as a success is its bilingualism. No one seems to see that Cameroon bilingualism is an act of fraud; that it disrespects the Anglophone component of the imposed nation; that it is an arch example of colonization and assimilation; that nowhere else in the whole wide world is this form of bilingualism practiced. Today, we lift the veil, so that the fraud may be exposed.

2. What is bilingualism? Bilingualism is a situation in which the administration of a country uses two languages to serve two groups of its users, each of which uses only one of the two languages in question. A country adopts bilingualism only when it has two groups of its population, each of which understands or is presumed to understand only one of the two languages in question, and not both. In that situation, the government makes it its responsibility to serve every user in one of the two languages of the country.

3. Bilingualism exists to honour and respect the identity of each of the linguistic groups of users; it recognizes the language of each of the groups as part of its identity and therefore will never impose upon each of the groups the language of the other group. Whether you take the example of Canada or of Switzerland, this is what you will find. In Canada for example, the official language in Quebec is French, not the English of the majority. It is only in imperial Cameroon that English is not the official language of the English speaking peoples! Nowhere else in the world is this form of fraud practised.

4. In Cameroon, bilingualism has taken the form of the imposition of French on the English speaking peoples of the Southern Cameroons; the refusal to recognize their own language, English, as the official language in the Southern Cameroons; the absence of any law which makes texts issued only in French illegal in the Southern Cameroons and therefore virtually no responsibility for the government even to translate official texts. No citizen can sue the government for issuing a text only in one language or reject a document served to him in French. Translation by government is done on an optional basis. They say that English is also used in La Republique du Cameroun, but this is a mere hoax since no English administrator dares serve anyone there a text in English. On the contrary, French is the language in which most administrative texts are served to Southern Cameroonians within the Southern Cameroons; French is the official language in the military and polices forces and virtually all professional schools; everywhere in the Southern Cameroons you find government sign boards in French, but you cannot see one single government sign board in English in Republique du Cameroun.

5. The absolute and primary condition for the existence of bilingualism (or the use of two languages in the administration of a country) is that each linguistic group should keep its own language as its official language and not be imposed the language of the other group. Once the two groups are forced to learn each other’s language, the administration is bound to become monolingual. It is the language of the minority group that will die, for the simple reason that the minority must first learn the language of the majority and thus establish communication in that language!

6. For bilingualism to exist in Cameroon (and not the assimilation that is now called bilingualism), English must become the official language in the Southern Cameroons and French to be the official language in
La Republique du Cameroun. This would dramatically increase the need for bilingual services, because all French documents must be translated into the official language in the Southern Cameroons and all English documents be translated into the official language in La Republique du Cameroun. Interpretation services will also increase because all conferences must be interpreted.

7. It is the monolingualism of individuals which forces the administration to be bilingual. That is to say, for the administration to be bilingual, those who use that administration must be monolingual or at least have the choice of using only their own language! Bilingualism of individuals must necessarily end the bilingualism of the administration or the state! If all or most citizens are bilingual, what need would there be for the government to translate any texts? In Cameroon, bilingualism was introduced only because there are Anglophones who don’t understand French. If Anglophones who don’t understand French continue to diminish in number every year, the need for bilingualism must also decrease! Translation of government texts is done only for this group! As you can see, it is only a matter of time before the generation of Southern Cameroonians who don’t understand French is phased out. When that happens, all Southern Cameroonians will be speaking French. At that point, it would be completely useless to use English in the Cameroon administration.

8. Language is simply a tool for communication. Once communication is established, there is no need for another language! The more so-called Anglophones learn French, the more communication is established in French, and the less need there is to use English any more, especially in the administration. Always remember that English was introduced into the colonial Cameroon administration only for the colonized Anglophones who could not yet speak French! It was not introduced so that Francophones should learn English! No, it was a measure to accommodate their colonized Anglophones while their assimilation is completed. Consequently, once communication is established through French, English must naturally cease to be valid as a means of communication in the administration.

9. If I can speak your language, what would be the need for you to learn my own? Even if you can learn my own, what purpose would it serve since we are already able to communicate in your own language?

10. In the current imperial Cameroon situation, translation and interpretation services must naturally dwindle and finally die. It is an impossibility to continue to translate texts and interpret conferences for those who already understand the original language in which the texts were written or conferences held! It would not be long before everyone would discover the enormous waste of time and resources, and also the hypocrisy involved.

11. When Southern Cameroonians meet people from La Republique du Cameroun, what language do they speak? French, of course! Why? Because Anglophones are the first to learn French and so communication must occur only in the language which both sides understand.

12. If most or all Southern Cameroonians begin to speak or even merely understand French, what would be the need to use English in the Cameroon administration? And if Anglophones continue to speak in French, who will speak their own language? Does this not tell you that English is programmed to die in the Cameroon administration?

13. Yes, only the language that is used in the administration counts as an official language or as part of the bilingualism. A sizeable portion of English people speak French; that does not make England a bilingual
nation. Similarly, a sizeable portion of Germans speak English, that does not make English one of the official languages of Germany. Many French people speak English, that does not make English an official language in France. An official language of a nation is only a language that is used in the administration or in public offices.

14. As further proof, let me ask you this question: In 1961 or even 1972 what percentage of Southern Cameroonians understood French? What is the percentage today? Probably in 1961 and later on in 1972, less than 20% of Southern Cameroonians understood French. Today, probably 70%! Does that percentage that understands French today need any translation or interpretation? If the need for translation and interpretation is constantly dwindling, what does that tell you about the future of bilingual services in colonial Cameroon?

15. The questions above prove to you that Cameroon is moving towards a single language, not bilingualism. Colonial Cameroon is therefore guilty of fraud, misrepresentation, swindle and cheating. Its version of bilingualism is an act of fraud against the people of the Southern Cameroons; it is part of its colonial and assimilation policy, not bilingualism at all.

16. The only way for bilingualism to survive is for English to be the official language in the southern Cameroons and French to be the official language in La Republique du Cameroun. That is what will promote bilingual services such as translation and interpretation.

17. Southern Cameroonians, you now see the gigantic fraud, the misrepresentation, the hoax, the swindle that is practiced on you by colonial Cameroon! Wake up and claim the right to your own language. No more should French be accepted as the official language in the Southern Cameroons; no more should French sign boards be accepted; no more should administrative texts be served in French in the Southern Cameroons.

18. Francophones learn English today, not so that it can be used in the Cameroon administration, but for the enormous advantages that English gives them in the world. Do not be deceived. Even Francophone Ministers who study in English countries use only the French language when serving in the Cameroon administration. The Anglophone Prime Minister uses only French and so do all other Anglophones in the administration. They must do this, to prove to their Francophone bosses that they have been thoroughly assimilated; to pretend to belong, to gain favours and so on. No one dares point out the programmed end of bilingualism in Cameroon.

19. There you have your so-called bilingualism, one more crime against the people of the Southern Cameroons

By Denis Atabong

International rights group, Human Rights Watch (HRW) have warned separatists in Cameroon’s Anglophone regions to quit attacks on education facilities and anything that obstructs education.

The group has subsequently called for the safe and immediate release of a female school head who was abducted by suspected separatists late last week.

Madam Georgiana Enanga Sanga of Government High School Bolifamba Mile 16 was abducted along with another head teacher on 25 May in capital of the restive Southwest region, Buea.

According to reports, the taxi they were travelling in was intercepted and they were specifically picked whiles other passengers were allowed to continue their journey.

Her colleague head teacher has since been released with machete wounds, but Ms Sanga has yet to be accounted for. The action of the abductors is believed to be connected with ongoing nationwide examinations – GCE Ordinary and Advance Level Examinations.

“Enanga’s kidnappers should release her immediately, and separatist groups should put a decisive end to all attacks meant to obstruct children’s education,” HRW’s deputy director of global advocacym Philippe Bolopio said .

“Attacks against students, teachers, and schools inflict long-term harm on children, and sully the reputation of those who carry them out.”

Separatists have long used attacks on schools as a measure to ground life in the affected regions. The move is seen as part of a wider plan to put pressure on government in the ongoing fight for secession.

The Catholic Church and the United States have recently expressed disquiet about the attacks on both sides and its effects on lives of people living in the two regions. Abductions are not uncommon as separatists have used it as a means to put pressure on government.

What has become known as the Anglophone crisis affects the North West and South West regions of the Central African country with a section of the English-speaking minority pushing to secede under the so-called Ambazonia Republic.

Source: Africa News

The latest round of abduction by alleged separatists in Cameroon’s restive Anglophone region has claimed two school heads in the Southwest region.

The two were reportedly abducted late last week in the capital of the region, Buea. Sources gave their identities as Georgina Enanga Sanga, headmaster of the public high school (GHS) Bolifamba Mile 16-Buea and Eric Ngoumba, head of the Cameroon Baptist Academy Yoke-Muyuka.

According to witnesses quoted by local media, the two officials were in a public transport that was intercepted by four armed assailants. The attackers are said to have fished out Georgiana and Eric despite incessant pleas from other passengers.

State security forces deployed in the area are said to have arrived late thus the inability to track the armed men. The authorities have, however, reassured students and parents about the smooth running of the end-of-year exams.

The crisis which started in November 2016 in Cameroons English-speaking areas was in protest against marginalization and demand for more participation in French-dominated Central government.

The separatists have since October 2017 mounted guerilla style attacks that have killed about 45 security forces – police, soldiers and gendarmes. It is estimated that more than 600 civilians have already died as a result of the Anglophone crisis, according to NGOs.

In addition, some 160,000 people have fled their homes as a result of the violence, according to the UN. Thousands of these people are currently seeking asylum in neighbouring Nigeria.
Source: Africa News

Following a Fako High Court ruling, restraining the University of Buea, UB, from revoking the Degrees awarded Buea Mayor, Patrick Ekema Esunge, the Southwest Regional Secretary of the National Commission on Human Rights and Freedoms, Christopher Tambe Tiku, (seen here with our senior political man Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai) has asserted to The Post newspaper that the Court erred. According to Tambe Tiku, the Court, presided over by Justice Kenneth Ako Tanyi, was misled, because, Ekema did not seek equity with clean hands. Tambe Tiku asserts that Ekema is playing for time, by seeking the court to protect him, due to the case against him for fraudulently gaining admission into UB. “How do you skip the GCE Advanced Level to go to the University,” Tambe quipped?

He (Ekema) has nothing in front of the court. He says he genuinely earned the 1st and 2nd Degrees; you cannot look at the qualification without looking at the entry requirement.” Tambe Tiku says the court erred because: “You cannot say that the University be put on notice and you go further to grant the prayers of the applicant in the ex parte motion,” Tambe Tiku holds, regarding the ruling in suit No. HCF/015/WOS/18/1M/18 of April 16, 2018. He further states that Ekema used the court to deceive the public that injustice was meted on him. Ekema’s Lawyer, had, in the ex parte motion, prayed the court for: “An Order of Interim Injunction, restraining the Respondents [UB and the State of Cameroon] jointly and severally, their servants, agents and workmen from making any public statement and or holding any meetings touching on purported revocation of, and or any interference with, the Academic Degrees awarded the Applicant by the University of Buea pending the hearing and determination of the Suit now pending between the parties before this Honourable Court.” “And for such further order or orders that this Honourable Court may deem fit and proper to make in the circumstances.” Tambe Tiku, in the following interview, explains his arguments.

Excerpts:

The Post: How would you react to the Fako High Court ruling in the case pitting Ekema vs the University of Buea and the State of Cameroon?

Tambe Tiku: I am scandalised by the genre of the ruling granted by Justice Kenneth Ako Tanyi. He erred in several instances. Firstly, in his ruling he granted all the prayers of the applicant without giving the University and the Sate of Cameroon the opportunity to be heard.

The Post: What then is an “ex parte” motion, or a motion ex parte?

Tambe Tiku: An application is made to the court ex parte when one party is present and the other has not been informed that the court case is taking place. This can only be done in cases of emergency where there is no time to contact the other side or in cases where it is feared that the other side would do something such as leave the country or destroy evidence if they know about the court case. Additionally, an ex parte motion can be allowed by the Judge where the applicant is about to suffer prejudice if the court does not act. From the foregoing, it is important to emphasise the concept of urgency. In the case pitting Ekema Patrick Esunge vs the University of Buea and the State of Cameroon as respondents, one fails to understand how the Judge arrived or construed the concept of urgency before granting such a ruling.

The Post: You said the Judge failed in several instances. After explaining the instance of urgency, what other instances do you mean?

Tambe Tiku: In the first place, the applicant (Ekema) was never served with any decision from the Senate of the University of Buea. The Judge failed in ruling on a newspaper publication whose content had nothing with the official stand of the University of Buea. No official in the University or Senate gave his view on the purported article which the court ruled on. The court again erred in assuming jurisdiction in a matter which is purely administrative in character. The proper thing to do was to decline jurisdiction and advise the applicant to file an action at the Administrative Court. It is also disturbing to note that, nowhere in the applicant’s founding papers or exhibits, is he admitting that he has an Advanced Level pass which is the crux of the matter. It is sad to know that the Judge did not bother to take that into consideration. The applicant misled the court and the public into thinking that injustice has been done against him. It is a ruse to mislead the public into thinking that he passed the GCE Advanced Level GCE examination. The case before the court is one of declaratory order in which the applicant is praying the court in recognising his Bachelors and Masters Degree, respectively. It is again interesting to note that the applicant is not alleging that he fulfilled the entry requirement to gain a place in the University of Buea. The High Court has no jurisdiction over the University pertaining to matters of an administrative character.

The Post: Why do you think he didn’t seize but the Administrative Court?

Tambe Tiku:  The applicant is avoiding the Administrative Court because of the overwhelming evidence the University has against him. All these judicial irregularities masterminded by the applicant are intended to obstruct justice, especially with the criminal investigation hanging over his head.

The Post:But he is alleging that he was not served when the University setup a commission to establish if he had GCE Advanced Level…?

Tambe Tiku: Again, that is not true. He approached the court in bad faith knowing fully well that he was served twice in his office personally. The University has the evidence. It is common knowledge that he was being investigated by the University and the judicial police about his certificates. It was his duty to report to the University accompanied by his GCE Advanced Level to allay all doubts surrounding his certificates. That he did not do because he had nothing to show or prove. Even with the papers before the court, he has still failed to disclose to the court how he got to the University. He is merely floating and buying time. It beats one’s imagination why the applicant would sue the State of Cameroon after having earned fictitiously salaries as Category 8 (which is salary earned only by staff with Advanced Level.

The Post: Is it a crime to sue the State?

You cannot bring an ex parte motion against the State.

The Post: The High Court, in its ruling, has ordered the University to stop any action towards withdrawing the Degrees which it awarded the applicant. Should the University not respect the High Court ruling?

Tambe Tiku: That is another fatal error. The Senate is the highest authority as far as academic affairs of the University are concerned. The Senate had already thrashed the issue by virtue of the report of the commission that was put in place by the Vice Chancellor of UB. At that point, the University had already finished with its job. The Minister of Higher Education who is the supervisory authority over universities in Cameroon is the only authority to endorse the proposal of the Senate of UB. Hence the ruling of Justice Kenneth Ako Tanyi was ill-conceived and of no consequence. There is nothing to stop the Minister to revoke or not to revoke. This is true, regarding the fact that the Minister is not party to the suit before the honourable court. Once the University took the decision to propose to the Minister to revoke the degrees awarded Ekema, it became functus officio.

Source: The Postline Newspaper