Americans are well acquainted with the influx of Central American asylum seekers along the southern United States border. But the Central Americans are not alone. Lost in the news cycle are people of many nationalities who have crossed continents to seek refuge in the United States. One such group from Cameroon has been forced to flee in part by contradictions in U.S. policy, only to have America slam the door in their face.

The longstanding marginalization of the country’s Anglophone minority gave way to violence in 2016 when the Cameroonian military met peaceful protests with excessive force. This overreaction strengthened separatist sentiment, and Anglophone pro-independence groups took up arms.

With government forces wrongly assuming that most civilians support the secessionist cause and separatist groups attacking people who have not joined the fight, civilians are trapped and face arbitrary detention, torture, and the destruction of their homes. It is hardly surprising that more than 1,000 Cameroonians, who have every reason to flee their country, have found their way to the southern border of the United States.

The U.S. government has recognized and responded to abuses in Cameroon. The Department of Defense cut ties with Cameroonian forces earlier this year, citing human rights abuses and the U.S. House of Representatives passed Resolution 358 this month, condemning human rights abuses by both government security forces and armed groups in Cameroon. The U.S. Department of State has acknowledged the excessive use of force and targeting of civilians by Cameroonian military forces in its 2018 Human Rights report.

Regrettably, and despite this U.S. recognition of severe problems in Cameroon, there has been little U.S. action to help the millions left in the crossfire or to address their mounting humanitarian needs.  In fact, the United States has contributed a mere $300,000 toward the $93.5 million required to assist the 1.3 million people in need.

So between January and May 2019, 1,023 Cameroonians arrived in Mexico. Nearly all arrived on foot. Most traveled by air to Ecuador, and then traveled north through Central America and Mexico to make their way to the U.S. border. They are relieved to have finished the worst of their trek, having made it without any knowledge of Spanish and little food or water on the dangerous journey. Many report robberies at the hands of armed groups and deaths along the way.

Cameroonians in Tijuana waiting to cross into the United States include lawyers, teachers, entrepreneurs, and members of Cameroon’s opposition party — people who had thriving careers before violence broke out at home.

I met with those in Tijuana waiting to have their claim heard, and they serve as proof that ignoring a far-away population in need doesn’t mean they won’t show up on your doorstep.  

Once in Tijuana, the Trump administration’s new Migration Protection Protocols (‘Remain in Mexico’) policy, requires Mexican authorities to compile a list of asylum-seekers and assign them a number for their place in line.

While at the Tijuana border-crossing last month, I saw hundreds of Cameroonians gathered around the port-of-entry to San Diego every day, despite knowing they wouldn’t be called for weeks or even months. They’re desperate for any information they can get on the next steps in the difficult process.

Asylum-seekers wait three to six months before they’re called to the border for their “credible fear” interviews. This process used to be overseen by asylum officers from U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services, it is now increasingly overseen by armed Custom and Border Patrol agents who are not trained on how to conduct interviews about traumatic events.

Moreover, immigration lawyers say the United States is refusing Cameroonians’ asylum requests for reasons as insignificant as not having official translations of French-language documents into English. For this, they’re being deported back to Cameroon, where many are immediately detained upon their return. There have even been reports of torture.

The United States cannot have it both ways. It cannot both condemn widespread human rights abuses faced by civilians in Cameroon’s Anglophone regions and tell asylum-seekers fleeing these abuses that their claims are not valid.

Even with greater U.S. support for humanitarian assistance for Cameroon, which is essential, Cameroonians are likely to continue to flee their country. Having recognized and criticized serious abuses of human rights in Cameroon, the U.S. government must now provide asylum to those who would face certain danger if forced to return home. And our government would also do well to remember that ignoring far-away humanitarian crisis means you may be compelled — politically and ethically — to address them closer to home.

Source: The Hill

After three years of self-destruction, the government and armed groups locked in an armed conflict in the two English-speaking regions of Cameroon must yield to calls from the international community for an inclusive dialogue.

The conflict, which could have been avoided, has already consumed some 5,000 lives, including civilians and soldiers.  These lives could have been spared and the families of those killed or wounded would be a lot happier today.

The country’s economy has taken a nosedive due to the crisis and the hardship resulting from this man-made disaster is both visible and palpable, both in East and West Cameroon.  The country’s second largest employer, the Cameroon Development Corporation (CDC), has taken a blow to the liver as a result of the conflict and its chances of surviving are slim.

Threats from the separatists are making it hard for this state corporation to operate normally and its workers are scared of being punished by armed separatists who operate under the cover of darkness. PAMOL, another major employer, has been completely put out of business. Its facilities have been set ablaze by angry and armed separatists who are hell-bent on bringing the country’s economy to its knees.

But the greatest blow to the economy has come from the crashing of the nation’s lone oil refinery (SONARA) which went up in flames a few months ago. This is a huge blow to the government, as one of its major revenue streams has suddenly gone dry.

And this has been complicated by the death of thousands of small businesses that provided services to the oil refinery.  Besides those businesses, thousands of small businesses in the two English-speaking regions of the country have also folded up as the fighting between armed groups and the military rages on and spreads even into the rural areas of the country.

The destruction to the country’s economy is visible and its impact shows on many people across the country. But the greatest victims are the children in the two regions who are being robbed of their childhood and future. For three years, children in Southern Cameroons do not know how to play outside. Soccer matches that characterized life in the regions have all disappeared and the only thing the children know is violence.

Some of them have lost their parents and many are hiding in the bushes with relatives who hold that if they return to their homes – that is, if the military has not burned down the homes – they will be arrested and shipped to Yaoundé where the government has set up torture camps for Southern Cameroonians.

Even those who are still in the villages are permanently expecting a resurgence of violence as the military and the armed groups have engaged in a permanent game of mutual destruction.

Children in the two English-speaking regions of Cameroon have not been to school for three years and in development terms, a generation is being gradually sacrificed. The education facilities are already crumbling and some of the have been brought down by fire set to them by army soldiers.

The adverse impact of keeping children away from school for long periods of time is usually long term, but residents of the two English-speaking regions are already living with the short-term impact. Banditry is on the rise. Kidnappings and ransom killings are robbing many people of a good night’s sleep.

Young men in the region have found a new lucrative business. Many of them are acquiring sophisticated assault rifles which they are using to intimidate innocent civilians so as to make money and live the gangster life they have been dreaming about. Rapes and unwanted pregnancies are hitting the roof and if care is not taken, the situation will spiral out of control.

Cameroon is gradually descending into hell and what many Cameroonians only heard or read about from the scary tales in Liberia or Sierra Leone is finally taking root in their own country. Africa’s sliding conflicts have finally made their way to Cameroon.

But this self-destruction can be stopped. The various factions have to demonstrate a lot of flexibility if they are interested in finding a peaceful solution.  There is no point being stuck in a position that is spreading death and destruction to a people. There are no points to be earned here. The international community is instead making a mockery of Cameroon.

The government in particular has a lot to change if peace has to return to Cameroon. It must restrain its military that has spread a lot of pain in the two English-speaking regions of the country.  A country’s military should not be used to kill the same people who are financing its own survival.

Taxpayers’ money could be better used to prevent conflict than to destroy a country’s economic and political infrastructure just because those in power want to prove a point.

There is nothing wrong with complaining. Southern Cameroonians had never intended to fight the government. Theirs was a peaceful demonstration that has been badly managed. Any government in the world owes its people a listening ear and a willingness to make things better and not a heavy hand that will only make matters worse.

The government has to take a long and hard look at its actions if it thinks of restoring peace in the two English-speaking regions of the country.  It must also listen to the international community that is ready and willing to support any efforts at resolving the crisis that has put the country in the spotlight for all the wrong reasons.

The government’s military violence has significantly contributed in keeping children out of school for three years.  Instead of spreading death and destruction, the country’s military could have sought to win hearts and minds within the civilian population.

Not every Southern Cameroonian is a separatist and the military’s reckless actions have only helped to swell the ranks of the fighters.

For their part, the armed groups must accept the bitter reality that an independent Southern Cameroons will not be seeing the light of day anytime soon. A clear military victory is unfortunately not within reach.

The international community has very low appetite for secession and even if the secessionists obtain a military victory, it will be hard for them to operate in a globalizing world that is instead fostering larger geo-political entities.

Gaining independence could be possible, but gaining international recognition could be a Herculean task. Puntland, that separated from Somalia and did not even participate in the bloody fighting that has defined Somalia, has never been recognized.

The world still considers it as part of the chaotic Somalia even when Puntland has proven that it can function as an independent geo-political entity.  Similarly, Southern Cameroonians around the world must understand that keeping their children away from school only hurts their cause.

Their use of armed groups to deter children from going to school only qualifies them as terrorists and the international community has no admiration for people with a penchant for mass destruction. While school boycotts might have worked in the initial days of the conflict, insisting on using it these days could be a sign of desperation.

The Southern Cameroons conflict has gone beyond a school boycott. The increasing diplomatic victories abroad and increasing international pressure on the Yaoundé government are better bargaining chips that could be used to achieve better results.

Keeping children at home  for many years when their rightful  place is in the classroom is not only immoral, it is also ungodly, especially as the advocates of a school boycott live abroad and have their children in schools abroad. By God, it is great to go to school.

 Keeping children away from school through intimidation only equates Southern Cameroonians to Boko Haram that has drawn a lot of flak for refusing children their birth right to education. Holding that the children will only return to school only after a comprehensive reform of the school system is a clear demonstration of ignorance of how administrative and educational systems operate.

Life is a work in progress and reforms could always be introduced at any time when the systems show signs of failure or fatigue. Both parties in the conflict must now demonstrate that they have attained a good level of maturity after the errors of the past three years.

Mistakes have been made, but it will preposterous to continue making more mistakes just because we have to score points   Human life is more important than individual opinions. Let us not let our egos to stand in the way of efforts to restore peace in Cameroon.  Cameroonians of all linguistic backgrounds must now support all initiatives that will help bring peace to Cameroon.

They must support the Swiss initiative that has already received the blessing of the United States, Canada and the European Union. The time for flexibility is now and Cameroonians cannot afford to miss it.

By Dr Joachim Arrey in Canada

A key voice in the Southern Cameroons struggle, Dr. Joachim Arrey, is urging Dr. Sako Ikome to take a long and hard look at his leadership of the Southern Cameroons Interim Government.

Dr. Arrey who has resisted all pressure to publicly criticize his friend and junior brother, Dr. Sako has finally come out to urge Dr. Sako to conduct a veritable introspection with a view to saving the struggle.

Sako Ikome, who is currently in London to drum up support for the Interim Government, is not really making any impressive progress in the United Kingdom.

Southern Cameroonians know what Dr. Sako is selling, but not many of them are rushing to buy his products.

Dr Arrey Joachim pointed out that after every stage in our lives, we must conduct introspection. This also applies to the leadership of the Interim Government.

“Dr. Sako, who is a friend and brother, is making a commendable effort to meet the people so as to give the struggle a shot in the arm, but I am not seeing many Southern Cameroonians in London rushing to meet with him. The rain may be to blame. But true fans know no rain or shine.”

Cameroon Concord News Group understands that the numerous scandals and rumors seem to be having a serious impact on the man of God. “It is time to look back, but not in anger” observed Dr Joachim Arrey.

“As a gentleman and a dedicated Southern Cameroonian, I think Dr. Sako should be conducting an introspection that should help him make an informed decision about his leadership of the Interim Government” Dr Joachim Arrey added.

The African Development Bank technocrat opined that “Sako’s shine appears to be wearing off and I think handing over the baton of responsibility in a nice and decent way will not be a bad idea. It is always good to know when to leave or throw in the towel.”

Dr Arrey Joachim also stated that “Sometimes, despite our best efforts and intentions, we may not deliver to the glorious expectations of our people. The struggle is ours and it is incumbent upon us to ensure it does not get aborted by our own anger or actions.”

It should be recalled that Dr. Sako Ikome has become a lightning rod for controversy ever since allegations of financial malfeasance surfaced. He has been at the center of these scandals and some of his collaborators have publicly indicted him of corruption.

The dysfunctional nature of the IG under Dr Sako is spreading pain and death in Ground Zero where many rogue elements are gradually filling up the gap created by dwindling recruitments into the ranks of the Amba boys due to declining funding.

By Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai in London

The disgraced former Southern Cameroons Acting President Dr Ikome Sako has sneaked himself into the United Kingdom to attend a dubious event advertised on social media as Ambazonia Cultural Festival. Sako entered the UK like a thief in the night and has taken up residence in Reading precisely with a blood relation to Irene Ngwa-his mistress-protégé.

The man of God who almost ruined the Southern Cameroons struggle decided upon arrival to launch a scathing attack on the chairman and editor-in-chief of the Cameroon Concord News Group, the Right Hon. Soter Tarh Agbaw-Ebai.

After he was received by some friends of Irene Ngwa residing in the UK who are planning to use the so-called Ambazonia Cultural Festival in London to enhance Sako’s battered political image, Sako exploited one of his fake facebook profiles to respond to Cameroon Concord News Group editorial published today the 16^th of August 2019 captioned “Majority of Southern Cameroons Militias Are On The Payroll Of CPDM Ministers”.

In his ill-disguised attempt at hiding his identity, Sako observed via his facebook profile that by invoking CPDM Ministers in the editorial, our chairman was reading from the same script with Eric Tataw and Mark Barata including President Sisiku Ayuk Tabe.  Our IT consultants in Ohio and New Delhi after a joint operation have traced the IP address of the sender to Reading, UK.

Speaking to this reporter earlier today, Mr. Soter Agbaw-Ebai made a mockery of the disgraced Southern Cameroons pastor noting that “Sako must have skipped inspection of the guard of honour at Heathrow and now finds himself in Reading.”

By Chi Prundence Asong in London

After 37 years under President Paul Biya, Cameroon is arguably at its most divided yet. Various of its fault lines are deep, and they are getting even deeper.

The most immediate crisis facing the country is the ongoing Anglophone conflict in the two English-speaking regions, which has led to hundreds of deaths. But this situation is compounded by two other tensions in Cameroon, one ethnic, one religious.

President Biya, in power since 1982, stands defiant in the face of these pressures, but without clear action to address them, these challenges will only become more threatening to his rule and to the country.

1) The deadly Anglophone crisis

The Anglophone conflict began in 2016 when teachers and lawyers in Cameroon’s two English-speaking regions went on strike. They were protesting against the deployment of French-speaking judges and teachers with no understanding of the common law and educational systems that operate in these areas. The government seemed prepared to negotiate until more demonstrators joined and the group’s demands escalated into calls for more autonomy for the two regions. Anglophone nationalists have long demanded greater self-rule to address perceived marginalisation and protect their Anglo-Saxon heritage in the predominantly French-speaking country.

At this point, the government – as it has done many times in the past – resorted to force and mass arrests.  The situation quickly escalated. Armed groups emerged calling for the English-speaking regions to secede completely from Cameroon as the independent state of Ambazonia. Fighting ensued with both separatist forces and the Cameroonian army allegedly committing widespread atrocities.

Three years on, the government in Yaoundé remains adamant that Cameroon’s decentralised unitary form of state is non-negotiable. However, this position is becoming increasingly untenable.

To start with, some key western governments, who previously only called for dialogue, have begun to take some concrete and sustained steps in relation to the conflict. This February, for instance, the US scaled down its military assistance to Cameroon citing gross human rights violations. In May, it sponsored the first UN Security Council meeting on the Anglophone conflict. And then, in July, its House of Representatives adopted Resolution 358 in July calling on the Cameroon government to reconstitute the federal system as one measure to resolve the crisis. That same month, Switzerland, which has a federal system and is another key partner, announced that it is leading a mediation effort. It has reportedly been discretely pressing Biya to look at its own model of territorial state organisation .

At the same time, domestic opinion in Cameroon is also shifting. As the separatist conflict wears on, moderate Francophones are increasingly subscribing to the idea of a federal state, something, which moderate Anglophones have long called for.

2) Renewed ethnic rivalries

Along with the Anglophone crisis, ethnic divides have also become more prominent in Cameroon, especially since the 2018 presidential elections. At the heart of these tensions are two groups’ competing claims to power.

The first, the Bamilieke, wield significant economic authority in Cameroon. Elites from this group control much of the economy and dominate the manufacturing industry. People from this ethnicity mostly occupy the west of Cameroon and have strong cultural ties to one of the Anglophone regions despite their Francophone colonial heritage.

The second, the Bulu-Beti axis, wield significant political power. Since Biya came to power, handpicked by Cameroon’s first president Amadou Ahidjo, elites from this group have seen themselves as the country’s natural rulers. The Beti and Bulu mostly reside in the centre and south regions.

The rivalry between the Bamilieke and Bulu-Beti axis came to a head in the run-up to the October 2018 presidential election in which President Biya ran for a seventh term against his main challenger Maurice Kamto, a Bamieleke. In the campaign, supporters of both sides engaged in inflammatory ethnic rhetoric, with the most xenophobic attacks coming from the Bulu-owned Vision4 Television.

In the end, Biya was declared the victor with 71.28%, but Kamto disputed the results, alleging widespread fraud. Tensions escalated, leading to some violent attacks on Cameroonian embassies in Berlin, Paris and elsewhere. Kamto, believed by many to have been the real winner of the polls, was arrested and remains incarcerated.

The government’s suppression of Kamto and his supporters mirrors its previous treatment of English-speakers. For example, the 2018 election followed a very similar pattern to that of 1992. In those polls, Biya’s main competitor was the Anglophone John Fru Ndi. That process was also marred by allegations of fraud and hate speech. In their aftermath, Biya placed Ndi, who is  believed to have won the polls, under house arrest after declaring a state of emergency in his Ndi’s native North West region. The resentment created at this time added to a growing sense of exclusion, contributing to sentiments led to today’s Anglophone crisis.

Given the shared experiences of the Bamieleke and Anglophones, as well as cultural similarities, one might expect these groups to form an alliance. In fact, a leaked US embassy cable from 2011 suggested some regime insiders were discussing, and dreading, the prospect of such an “Anglo-Bami alliance”. In reality, such an alliance could be struck but would probably be short-lived, focusing only on ending Bulu-Beti dominance. On more fundamental questions such as the organisation of the state, cleavages would likely to emerge. Consensus on these points would not be impossible, but four decades of respective rule under the British and French during colonialism instilled differences in perspective and politics between these groups that would hard to overcome.

3) A religious group in waiting

A final divide facing Biya’s Cameroon comes from predominantly Muslim northerners, who are reportedly vying for one of their own to take over the presidency after Biya. In a leaked cable from 2009, Amadou Ali, an influential northerner who previously served in senior ministerial positions, said as much to US diplomats. According to the cable, Ali predicted that Cameroon’s three northern regions “will support Biya for as long as he wants to be president…but would not accept a successor who was either another Beti/Bulu, or a member of the economically powerful Bamileke ethnic group”.

Like the Bulu-Beti axis, Muslim from the north also see themselves as the natural rulers of a country whose population is majority Christian. And, as Ali explained, they have no intention of sitting idly by and letting an individual from any other group succeed Biya.

Cameroon’s divides today are varied and complex, but have one thing in common: They want to see Biya go. This includes even the northerners, albeit with less urgency, who have been among the president’s closest collaborators and governed with him from day one.

So far, the common goal of removing Biya has not been sufficient to unite these various different groups or force change. But as Cameroon’s divides continue to deepen, the question remains of how much longer the 86-year-old president hold it all together.

Source: Africanarguments

There are more than four thousand Southern Cameroonians (Ambazonians) illegally detained in concentration camps around French Cameroun. Ambazonia President, Sisiku Ayuk Tabe and his leadership team currently being detained illegally in Kondengui Prison Principal, Cameroun, engaged on a hunger strike to highlight the plight of their fellow detainees from the 31st of July 2019. This eleven-day action brought pressure on the French Cameroun regime and they are taking some minimal provisional decisions to appease the international community.

Of the measures being implemented, on the 2nd of August 2019, five Southern Cameroonian (Ambazonian) detainees were released by the military court in Yaoundé. Their names are Abantelle Victor, Njufack Flavio, Otu Princely, Eban Felix, Akum Aloysius. As a nation, Ambazonia is happy for the release of the above mentioned comrades but we reiterate our position that they and all others still in Colonial French Cameroon’s concentration camps shouldn’t have been incarcerated in the first place.

The miscarriage of justice and disregard for life and international law by the Cameroun regime is stunning and shameless. Last week, in the so-called trial of the abducted Ambazonian leaders, a certain Barrister Julius Achu representing the French Cameroun regime was heard shouting in court that the Cameroun regime doesn’t care about international norms and conventions. He is correct. On the 22nd of July 2019, Ambazonian Prisoners of Conscience organised a peaceful protest in their detention center in Kondengui to highlight their awful living conditions, continuous detention without charge and the actions needed to be taken for school resumption in September 2019. They were met with a vicious clampdown by the French Cameroun regime. Many were brutally tortured and moved to SED which Human Rights Watch described in a May 6, 2019, report as a major site for torture, incommunicado detention, and enforced disappearances.

Forty-three Ambazonian detainees were identified on the 6th of August 2019 at the Yaoundé Kangaroo Court of First Instance in Ekounou. They are charged with Collective Resistance, Attempted Escape and Destruction. The forty-three comrades are:

Ambazonian Political Prisoners undergoing manufactured charges:

1.Wirdzienyuy Leonard

2.Yongo Colins

3. Yuven Cyril

4. Ziengeh Hilary Chia

5. Salah Edmond

6. Kum Nestor

7. Ntanji Isidore AKO

8. BUH Mbi Roger

9. Kanouo Gildas

10. Ambantele Victor

11. Ambah Rahul

12. Newu Isaac

13. Abanda Louis Enowntai

14. Achesit Hamlet

15. Achu Divine

16. Achu Joseph

17. Adonis Martin

18. Agbor Taku Joseph

19. Aghen Norbert

20. Akembom Divine NFOR

21. Akom Alloysius Akom

22. Akwo Platini Anga

23. Alobwede Van Kingsley        

24. Amadou Assad

25. Ambesse Divine

26. Amei  Benjamen

27. Amos Bitar

28. Anifata Kiven

29. Anyam Jin Austin

30. Aselatcha Martin

31. Bame Emmanuel

32. Benjamin Tembang TANTOH

33. Bundi Nsah Godgive

34. Chi Emmanuel

35. Tse Noel Wangang

36. Chu Ettia Frank

37. Eban Felix38. Edwin Dubela

39. Effia Gideon Nji

40. Elvis Fonyuy

41. Embason Newton

42. EWANE Olivier

43. Fonkam Pierre

From the list above, Akwo Platini, has lost two teeth after being attacked by a French Camerounian detainee. We have reliable intelligence that French Cameroun detainees have been instructed by the prison authorities to assault Ambazonians. Also, Chu Ettia Frank has a broken leg and passes urine with blood from the torture he endured at SED. Benjamin Tembang TANTOH currently has a blood clot on the left eye resulting from his beatings. Amei Benjamen has a spinal problem and can’t stand for long. This is sad, sickening and unacceptable. These comrades need immediate medical attention which we are currently liaising with our teams on the ground to provide them the assistance required.

From our perspective as government, our legal team has counselled that the Ambazonian political detainees were severely tortured and are threatened by the prison authorities and other French Cameroun inmates. Therefore, filing a cross penal action is a suitable option. We have instructed them to go ahead with this course of action.

It’s worrying that four comrades; Apang Ronny Donald, Che Gilbert, Effru Francis, Efut Armstrong didn’t appear in court last week as expected. Our legal teams are still working hard to trace their whereabouts and the reasons for non-attendance. All detainee mattresses have been confiscated by the prison officers in order to make life unbearable for our comrades. Ambazonian political detainees have gone through anguish and are subjected to the worst forms of cruelty. The big positive is their resolve and belief in the struggle is profound.

Two comrades, Harris Boseme and Engang Joel, appeared in court unclothed. This was somehow acceptable to a judge in the twenty-first century in a country which is signatory to multiple international conventions. Our legal team used this opportunity to draw the attention of the Judge to the cruelties they endured at SED and at the Kondengui Central Prison. Our legal team asked the Court to take a recess to enable lawyers to get them respectable clothes. The judge surprisingly granted the request. The matters are adjourned to today the 13th of August 2019.

In Buea, the legal process has been slow and challenging. Our team of lawyers continues to face harassment from the Cameroon regime. During the peaceful prison protests of 23rd July 2019, the doors of the prison were opened by the authorities for the military to enter and kill. Upon entering the prison, they shot at political prisoners killing four and wounding over seventy-five. Despite the challenging conditions, our lawyers will continue their fight to see that the wounded political detainees and the corpses of our three massacred comrades Njie Gerald, Amougou Franck Joel and Eny Effiong are identified as three of the four killed in the prison in Buea.The body of Njie Gerald, a man over sixty years of age, is lying at the Buea regional hospital mortuary while the corpses of three others have not been seen.

Our thoughts and prayers are with all our comrades going through inhumane and degrading treatment in dungeons in French Cameroun. We take strength from their courage and fortitude. The days of being intimidated are over. Despite all this brutality, we shall continue to fight with bravery and determination. We will never give up. The more savagery we face, the more determined we become. The freedom of homeland Ambazonia is non-negotiable. It is Total Independence or Resistance Forever.

Short Live The Revolution

Long Live the Federal Republic of Ambazonia.

Sincerely,

Milton Taka

Secretary of State

Department of Communication & Information Technology

Interim Government Spokesperson