Joseph Banadzem Lukong, a prominent Southern Cameroons Member of Parliament and senior political figure of the Social Democratic Front-the so-called main opposition party is no more! The MP reportedly died on Saturday morning at the Yaoundé General Hospital.

Cameroon Concord News gathered from SDF sources that the MP’s health had deteriorated ever since the beginning of the crisis in Southern Cameroons. SDF propaganda minister, Jean Robert Wafo who confirmed the news late on Saturday did not make public any funeral arrangements.

Elected from the Bui County in the Northern Zone, Joseph Banadzem Lukong was the chairman of the SDF parliamentary group at the National Assembly. His teaching career took him to all the nooks and crannies of the Ambazonian territory including a brilliant period in Government High School Mamfe.

By Rita Akana

Paul Biya remains one of the few “sit tight” leaders in Africa. He has been in power for close to 37 years. And at 86 years, he has not thought it wise to quit the political stage and make way for the younger generation. Who knows if he intends to die in office like the late Gnassingbe Eyadema of Togo or he is waiting for the military to topple his government as it was done to Robert Mugabe in Zimbabwe. Whatever his intention may be, power does not last forever. If he does not leave power, power will definitely leave him.

Because of the atrocities committed in the ongoing war in Southern Cameroon, the United States government has sanctioned Paul Biya’s regime. What these sanctions mean is that, 20 military personnel, civilians, and ministers cannot travel to the U.S. – they have been banned. Added to this, the US will also withdraw all promised aid and security programmes, including an offer to provide training to the Cameroonian military. Importantly, the US gives a total of 17 million dollars annually to the Cameroonian government as aid. All of this will be forfeited due to the sanctions.

Even though the United States government sanctions are coming late, it is a welcome development. Since the conflict started in 2016, Washington is the first foreign government to condemn Paul Biya’s regime with sanctions. And without any iota of doubt, these sanctions will affect the US-Cameroon relations but it may force Paul Biya’s regime to minimize the use of force in the Anglophone region.

Again, Yaoundé may want to be desperate to regain the favour of the white house, hence, it may release the detained opposition leader, Maurice Kamto, whose arrest and detention also contributed to the sanctions.

Now that the United States has sanctioned Paul Biya’s regime, it will be wise for the European Union (EU) including France to do the same in order to intensify the pressure and force Yaoundé to negotiate with the Ambazonia leaders. It will not make any sense if the EU especially France takes steps that will thwart the US sanctions or embolden Paul Biya’s regime to continue to perpetrate atrocities in Southern Cameroon.

As a matter of fact, no fewer than 2,000 people have died with another 170,000 displaced since the conflict began. Despite this, it is very shameful that no African country has suspended its relationship with Cameroon. Even Nigeria, the big brother of Africa, reportedly arrested and deported Julius Ayuk Tabe the self-declared president of Ambazonia in 2018.

And to worsen the matter, the African Union (AU) has not taken drastic steps to at least restrain Paul Biya from killing Southern Cameroonians and burning down villages even though it does not have the power to interfere in Cameroon’s domestic affairs. And I hope none of the African countries will give Cameroon a hand by the time the sanctions begin to bite her hard.

Everyone not the United States government must take a stand against Paul Biya’s regime until he negotiates with the separatist leaders.

Source: Qwenu.com

For the past three years, civil strife has been tearing Cameroon apart. New public opinion data from Afrobarometer suggest serious — and widening — rifts in fundamental perceptions and attitudes between the country’s Anglophone and Francophone regions.

A snapshot of Cameroon’s turmoil

For more than half a century after independence in 1960, Cameroon’s Francophone majority (formerly ruled by the French) and Anglophone minority (ex-British colonial subjects) lived in uneasy, but largely peaceful, union.

In 2016, occasional protests against what many English-speaking citizens see as discrimination and exclusion intensified and turned violent. Now, militant Anglophone separatists skirmish with government forces almost daily. Human Rights Watch and other observers have accused both sides of killings, kidnappings and other abuses.

According to the United Nations, the violence has displaced hundreds of thousands of people, including thousands who have fled to neighboring Nigeria. In October, English-speaking Cameroon boycotted the presidential election en masse; Paul Biya, who has held that position since 1982, won — but many observers declared the election marred by irregularities and violence.

How deep is the divide between English- and French-speaking Cameroon?

Pulling farther apart on fundamental questions

Public-opinion data show that the Anglophone and Francophone regions have moved quite far from each other since 2016 on fundamental questions of democracy, trust in the state and national identity.

Afrobarometer has interviewed nationally representative samples of 1,200 adult Cameroonians in 2013, 2015, and May-June 2018, producing results with a margin of error of plus or minus three percentage points at a 95 percent confidence level. We did our analysis based on region, rather than primary language.

Here’s what we found. Most Cameroonians living in Anglophone regions no longer view their country as a functioning democracy. That’s a drastic shift from four years ago — and contrasts sharply with the views of their compatriots in Francophone regions. The proportion of Anglophone residents who consider Cameroon “a full democracy” or “a democracy with minor problems” dropped from more than half (52 percent) in 2015 to just 1 in 8 (12 percent) in 2018. Among those living in Francophone regions, the proportion of those who agree has slowly increased from 36 percent in 2013 to 45 percent, as you can see in the figure below.

Cameroon is a democracy | Anglophone vs. Francophone | Cameroon | 2013-2018

Respondents were asked: In your opinion, how much of a democracy is Cameroon today? The graph shows the percentage who say “a full democracy” or “a democracy with minor problems.” (Mircea Lazar /Mircea Lazar)

Similarly, as you can see in the figure below, satisfaction with the way democracy is working in Cameroon has plummeted among Anglophone citizens, from 43 percent who said they were “fairly” or “very” satisfied in 2015 to just 7 percent in 2018. Among Francophones, meanwhile, satisfaction remains low but fairly steady, at 33 percent.

Satisfied with democracy | Anglophone vs. Francophone | Cameroon | 2013-2018

Respondents were asked: Overall, how satisfied are you with the way democracy works in Cameroon? The graph shows the percentage who say “fairly satisfied” or “very satisfied.” (Mircea Lazar/Mircea Lazar)

Fewer than half (45 percent) of Anglophone Cameroonians now say they prefer democracy to any other political system, a sharp drop from 64 percent in 2015. Among Francophones, support for democracy has remained steady at two-thirds, or 66 percent. Popular support for elections as the best way to choose leaders shows a similar pattern.

Political scientists often consider popular trust in the police and the army to be a core indicator of broader support for the state — and so here, too, our survey findings may trouble policymakers. As you can see in the figure below, almost 6 in 10 Anglophone citizens, or 58 percent, say they do not trust the police “at all,” up from 39 percent in 2015 and more than double the proportion of absolute distrust among Francophones, at 24 percent. The divide is even greater when it comes to the army: The proportion of Anglophones who say they don’t trust the military “at all” has nearly tripled since 2015, from 22 percent to 62 percent, compared to just 13 percent of Francophones who say the same thing.

Don’t trust police and army ‘at all’ | Anglophone vs. Francophone | Cameroon | 2013-2018

Respondents were asked: How much do you trust each of the following, or haven’t you heard enough about them to say: The police? The army? The graph shows the percentage who say “not at all.”

Another key indicator of a growing chasm is identity: Do citizens identify more with their nation or with their ethnic group? If it’s the former, a fundamental national unity may exist that can help prevent civil conflict. Until recently, in Cameroon only small minorities — between 6 percent and 12 percent — of both Anglophone and Francophone citizens identified more closely with their ethnic group than with their nation. But as you can see below, since 2015, the proportion of Anglophones who identify more strongly with their ethnic group than their nationality has quadrupled, to almost one-third (31 percent). Among Francophones, the increase was from 7 percent to 13 percent.

Ethnic over national identity | Anglophone vs. Francophone | Cameroon | 2013-2018

Respondents were asked: Let us suppose that you had to choose between being a Cameroonian and being a ________[respondent’s ethnic group]. Which of the following statements best expresses your feelings: I feel only [ethnic group]? I feel more [ethnic group] than Cameroonian? I feel equally Cameroonian and [ethnic group]? I feel more Cameroonian than [ethnic group]? I feel only Cameroonian? The graph shows the percentage who say they feel “only [ethnic group]” or “more [ethnic group] than Cameroonian.. (Mircea Lazar/Mircea Lazar)

The results reveal that Cameroon’s national unity is fragmenting

These growing divides between Anglophone and Francophone Cameroonians suggest that beyond the headlines, some citizens may be starting to abandon a belief in the country’s unity. Despite Cameroon’s long history of individual English and French speakers living peacefully as friends and compatriots, these tears in the national fabric will take both time and skilled and inclusive political leadership to mend.

Culled from The Washington Post